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<HR SIZE="2"><P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="7" FACE="Palatino">
Chapter 21
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="6" FACE="Palatino">
Enlarging NATO Southeastwards:<BR>
The Best Preventive Diplomacy
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
Foreign Minister of Bulgaria Nadezhda Mihailova
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<FONT COLOR="#000000" FACE="Palatino" SIZE="7">T</FONT>he results of the Washington Summit and the developments in Kosovo set
 the issues of politico-military interaction against a new background. The
 international community is now faced with the challenge of constructing
 a new Southeastern Europe for the next century. However, the recent dramatic
 developments in the region pose a very legitimate question: should we not
 have started much earlier?
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
<B></B><B>BULGARIA&#146;S VIEW OF KOSOVO</B>
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If we are honest, we know we have been slow in reassessing the modes of
 interaction in the new international environment as it emerged from the
 Cold War. We have been slow in reforming the heavy and inflexible structures
 and mechanisms of international decisionmaking that we inherited from the
 past. We have been waiting for crises instead of anticipating and, where
 need be, preventing them.
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Today, Kosovo is the tragic proof of the need for greater resolve and the
 readiness to act. This drama might not have happened had we acted on time.
 The germs of the explosion in Yugoslavia were already visible a decade
 ago; the madness of Belgrade&#146;s ultra-nationalist policy was very clear
 in Croatia and Bosnia. The Kosovo crisis was unfolding while the ink was
 still drying on the Dayton peace accords.
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It has been clear for some time that the regime in Belgrade, the last authoritarian
 communist-style rule in Central Europe, is the main source of trouble and
 conflict in the Balkans. More could have been done to encourage the democratic
 change in Yugoslavia. The neighboring new democracies in Southeast Europe
 could have been supported in a more consistent manner.
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The air operation over Yugoslavia was the real test for NATO aspirants
 to prove their readiness to assume the responsibilities of membership.
 Like other Southeastern European democracies, Bulgaria opened its air space
 to the Allied forces, helping to speed up the attainment of a peace agreement
 in Kosovo. Bulgaria fully supported the Joint Guardian Operation and has
 just concluded an agreement with NATO providing Allied peacekeeping forces
 and equipment heading for Kosovo access to Bulgarian airspace. We have
 also strongly advocated the need for strict compliance with the principles
 of organization by the international security presence in Kosovo as stated
 in U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244. Additionally, despite the pressure
 put on Bulgaria regarding the &#147;unity-of-command&#148; issue, we did not give
 in and certainly contributed to the successful resolution of this problem.
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We are firmly convinced that NATO&#146;s current military presence in Kosovo
 remains the key element of post-conflict security building. Very important,
 too, is NATO&#146;s increasing pre-accession cooperation with future members
 from the Eastern Balkans. NATO should act on the issue of enlargement as
 boldly as it acted on crisis management. Under the present circumstances,
 enlarging the Alliance southeastwards would be the best preventive diplomacy.
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The peace agreement we all welcome should accelerate the creation of conditions
 allowing the safe and early return of refugees and displaced persons to
 their homes. It should also contribute to the further democratization of
 the Western Balkans. The agreement should specifically help the establishment
 of a democratic and multi-ethnic Kosovo as well as the speedy transition
 of the FRY to genuine democracy. The democratization of Yugoslavia is a
 must and should help the Serbian people to make such radical change.
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As this is happening, NATO member-countries should mobilize all possible
 financial and political resources for boosting the growth of and the investment
 in the so-called front-line states, including Bulgaria. Thus, these neighboring
 states can begin to turn from democracies of poverty into democracies of
 solidarity-driven prosperity. That is the best incentive for having the
 Serbian people make the changes we all expect.
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
<B></B><B></B><B>INVOLVING CEE COUNTRIES IN DEFENSE CONSOLIDATION</B>
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As the debate about the future of defense industrial cooperation widens,
 we strongly believe that the Central and Eastern European countries should
 be taken into consideration&#151;both those that are new members of the Alliance
 and those that aspire to membership. Talk of consolidation of demand and
 defense industrial cooperation in Europe should not fail to include the
 emerging defense markets in this area; and while the national defense establishments
 of the CEE countries&#151;including Bulgaria&#151;face identical interoperability
 and modernization problems, involving them in ongoing consolidation efforts
 will be key to these markets.
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