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<TITLE>1999 Book</TITLE>
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<HR SIZE="2"><P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="7" FACE="Palatino">
Chapter 14
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="6" FACE="Palatino">
European Defence after Washington and Cologne
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
U.K. Minister of State for the Armed Forces Doug Henderson
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<BR>
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
<B>OPENING REMARKS</B>
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
<FONT COLOR="#000000" FACE="Palatino" SIZE="7">T</FONT>he subject of the way ahead for European security and defense has been
 high on the agenda of NATO, the European Union, and European governments
 for some months. Its debate has been far from theoretical. We are facing
 important issues of European defense and security, which I would like to
 discuss.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
However, before I outline my views, I wish to pay tribute to our conference
 hosts for their solid support and excellent cooperation during the action
 in Kosovo. Despite being one of the three newest members of NATO, Hungary
 played an essential part in the campaign against Serb oppression in Kosovo.
 I join many others in thanking the government and people of Hungary for
 their efforts. Hungary, I am sure, will play a full part in working out
 the details of NATO&#146;s future involvement in Kosovo, and in the future reconstruction
 of the area. While Mr. Milosevic may be a destabilizing force in the Balkans,
 the events in Kosovo have shown him to be completely isolated. As part
 of NATO, the most formidable military and political alliance in the world,
 Hungary can rest assured that it is in a very strong position.
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
<B></B><B></B><B>EUROPEAN DEFENSE</B>
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
In the autumn of 1998, we proposed the development of a security and defense
 capability to back up the European Union&#146;s Common Foreign and Security
 Policy. We have always sought to build strong foundations for Europe&#146;s
 security, and have contributed to the successful growth and evolution of
 our security organizations in response to changing circumstances. We also
 firmly believe that a strong Europe will be a better partner to a strong
 America, reinforcing transatlantic relations. In addition to strengthening
 the Common Foreign and Security Policy, we want to strengthen Europe&#146;s
 military capability. A stronger capability will enable Europe to take action
 when NATO as a whole is not engaged.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
The Cologne Summit brought us to what I call the end of stage one. Now
 we have an excellent opportunity to review the progress we have made so
 far, and to start mapping the way ahead. We have steered the debate away
 from the stale institutional arguments that have dominated European security
 questions since the end of the Cold War. Now there is genuine enthusiasm
 among European governments to focus on the means to deliver capability&#151;capability
 to decide and capability to act.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
<B></B><B></B><B>NON-EU ALLIES</B>
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
The United Kingdom has pressed hard for the fullest possible involvement
 and participation of non-European Union allies in the new arrangements
 that are building on the existing arrangements in the Western European
 Union. We will continue to seek to involve Partners. Cologne recognized
 the importance of this inclusive approach in both the Declaration on European
 Security and Defense and the Presidency Report. We believe that these are
 very positive texts.
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
Clearly, future arrangements must take full account of existing provisions
 and of the vital contribution that all European nations make to our collective
 security. The new arrangements will work only if all who have a stake in
 European security agree to them.
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
<B></B><B></B><B>RECENT SUMMITS AND THEIR OUTCOMES</B>
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
The recent Cologne European Council invited the incoming Finnish presidency
 to move forward with a program designed to allow the EU to make decisions
 with military implications. Cologne capped a busy and productive spring,
 of which the NATO Washington Summit in April was the first milestone. All
 of the events of the year have made clear that NATO is, and must remain,
 the cornerstone of Europe&#146;s security policy. We have invested 50 years
 of effort in building the Alliance. Its current work and its continuing
 evolution are testament to the determination of its members that it should
 remain coherent, credible, and relevant to today&#146;s security challenges.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
The program that was proposed by the United Kingdom and discussed at the
 Cologne Summit was to develop a capability that would allow the European
 Union to make decisions on military aspects of crisis management while
 the bulk of military necessities&#151;such as planning and preparation of forces&#151;would
 be handled by NATO. The Washington Summit supported the aspirations of
 the European Union and agreed to provide the European Union with ready
 access to NATO resources for crisis-management operations when the Alliance
 as a whole is not engaged. This work will build on existing arrangements
 between the WEU and NATO, and will include assured access to NATO&#146;s planning
 capacities and a presumption of availability of NATO common assets and
 capabilities. Cologne was able to build on the Washington agreement, and
 under the Finnish presidency the European Union will start to develop the
 means to make sensible military decisions and to take political control
 of crisis-management operations.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
<B></B><B></B><B>THE WAY AHEAD</B>
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
Let me now look at the way ahead. Defense decisions will be intergovernmental,
 respecting member-states&#146; sovereign rights to deploy and control their
 own armed forces. There is certainly no question of a European army or
 a defense role for the Commission or Parliament beyond that which they
 currently have in the Common Foreign and Security Policy. We have agreed
 that Defense Ministers should, when appropriate, take part in Common Foreign
 and Security Policy decision making alongside Foreign Ministers. There
 will also be a permanent committee of officials, based in Brussels, to
 deal with the whole range of Common Foreign and Security Policy issues,
 including politico-military matters.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
In addition, there will be a European Union military committee to provide
 ministers with independent military advice, plus a small military staff
 to support this committee. These bodies will give the European Union the
 knowledge and expertise to act as an &#147;intelligent customer.&#148; The Union
 will be able to ask the right questions of military resource providers&#151;primarily
 NATO, but in some circumstances multinational and national providers&#151;and
 be able to understand the answers.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
<B></B><B>INCLUDING WEU FUNCTIONS IN THE EU</B>
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
As part of the process of moving ahead on European security and defense,
 we have agreed to look at ways to include in the European Union the WEU
 functions that are necessary for crisis-management tasks. Such inclusion
 will provide the European Union with the decisionmaking capacity needed
 to be consistent with our approach in other areas of European defense.
 We do not support institutional rearrangement for its own sake, nor do
 we want to get involved in stale debate about institutions. What is clear
 to us is that &#147;form must follow function&#148;&#151;the structures we put in place
 must truly support the tasks we wish to be able to achieve. We intend to
 have these new structures in place by the end of the year 2000, at which
 point the WEU as an organization will have completed its purpose.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
<B></B><B></B><B>ENSURING OPERATIONAL CAPABILITIES</B>
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
We have continually stressed that our aims will amount to nothing if our
 armed forces are not capable of meeting our political aspirations. Our
 armed forces must be readily deployable, flexible enough to meet diverse
 challenges, and sustainable over long periods. This must be just as true
 for collective defense contingencies as it is for crisis-management missions,
 whether under NATO or European auspices. The development of a genuine operational
 capability is a demanding goal. It will not happen overnight. But we cannot
 use this as an excuse to shy away.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
Those of us in Europe need to find ways to spend our defense budgets better.
 We need to look at what percentage of our defense expenditure we use on
 defense equipment, and at the level of high-readiness, deployable forces&#151;those
 forces we are likely to need in the future&#151;that we get for our money. We
 need to examine our ability to field key capabilities, such as strategic
 lift, combat, and logistic support; and precision munitions. Europe could
 and should do better in these areas.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
<B></B><B></B><B>DEFENSE CAPABILITIES INITIATIVE</B>
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
In addition to Cologne, the Defense Capabilities Initiative, launched at
 the Washington Summit, and the WEU&#146;s audit of collective European capability,
 are making important contributions toward improving Europe&#146;s collective
 military muscle. We fully support their focus on making our armed forces
 more employable. But we should not be fixated on the numbers of military
 personnel or the quantities of equipment. Rather, we should concentrate
 on measures to improve our ability to make use of our armed forces where
 necessary to meet the challenges of the future. We intend to ensure that
 there is a mechanism for reviewing progress and for seeing that we deliver,
 both individually and collectively. Our defense capabilities must keep
 pace with the changing world. We must fill the gap between our aspirations
 and our ability to deliver.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
<B></B><B></B><B>THE NEED FOR THE EU AND NATO TO TURN WORDS INTO ACTIONS</B>
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
The European Union now needs to concentrate on working out the details
 of what was agreed to in Cologne&#151;for example, the means by which the European
 Union will make sensible military decisions and take political control
 of crisis-management operations. This work must be clearly focused and
 coordinated to ensure that there is no mismatch between expectations and
 results. We have already seen advances in addressing European security
 and defense issues. NATO and the European Union will continue to work in
 parallel and should put in place measures that will meet the objectives
 that we have set. Europe can and should make a fuller contribution to its
 own security. We can and should make more of a difference in world affairs.
 We can and should be a better partner to our North American allies. But
 we must do more than only think about the problems.We must overcome them
 by translating intentions into reality, by turning words into actions.
</FONT></P>
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