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<title>Center for Strategic Decision Research, Peter Struck, Michele Alliot-Marie, General George Joulwan, SACEUR, General James L. Jones, SHAPE, NATO, EU, BDLI, ILA, EADS, Northrop Grumman, Under Secretary Michael Wynne, Assistant Secretary Linton Wells, Ambassador William Burns, NATO Military Committee Chairman General Harald Kujat, General Dynamics, Boeing, Global Security Terrorism, Iraq, Afghanistan, Rainer Hertrich, David Stafford</title>
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<td width="66" height="68"><p><img src="../2004book/logo-kevin-web.jpg" width="60" height="66"></p> </td>
<td width="618"><div align="center"><span class="style5">15th International Workshop on Global Security - Vienna, 19-23 June 1998<br>
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<p align="center" class="style17"><strong>Table of Contents:</strong></p>
<p align="left" class="style17"><strong><span class="style18"><a href="/98Book/fasslabend.htm">Austrian Defense Minister Werner Fasslabend </a></span></strong><a href="/98Book/weissingerbaylon.htm">Workshop Chairman Roger Weissinger-Baylon </a></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Part 1</strong></p>
<p align="left" class="style18"><span class="style217"><strong></strong></span><span class="style217"><a href="/98Book/kwasniewski.htm">Polish President Aleksander Kwasniewski </a><a href="/98Book/klestil.htm">Austrian President Thomas Klestil</a></span><span class="style217"><a href="/98Book/meri.htm">Estonian President Lennart Meri </a><a href="/98Book/adamkus.htm">Lithuanian President Valdas Adamkus </a></span><span class="style217"><a href="/98Book/constantinescu.htm">Romanian President Emil Constantinescu </a></span><span class="style217"><a href="/98Book/drnovsek.htm">Slovenian Prime Minister Janez Drnovsek </a><a href="/98Book/nano.htm">Albanian Prime Minister Fatos Nano </a></span></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Part 2</strong></p>
<p align="left" class="style18"><span class="style217"><a href="/98Book/solana.htm">NATO Secretary General Javier Solana </a><span class="style222"><a href="/98Book/clark.htm">SACEUR Gen Wesley Clark </a></span></span><span class="style217"><span class="style222"><a href="/98Book/cheshire.htm">CINC AFNORTHWEST Air Chief Marshal John Cheshire </a><a href="/98Book/spiering.htm">CINC AFCENT Gen Joachim Spiering </a></span></span></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Part 3</strong></p>
<p align="left" class="style18"><span class="style219"><a href="/98Book/robertson.htm">UK Secretary of State for Defense George Robertson</a><a href="/98Book/cutileiro.htm">WEU Secretary General Jose Cutileiro</a></span><span class="style219"><a href="/98Book/schussel.htm">Austrian Foreign Minister Wolfgang Schussel</a><a href="/98Book/bodry.htm">Luxembourgan Defense Minister Alex Bodry </a><a href="/98Book/fjaervoll.htm">Norwegian Defense Minister Dag Jostein Fjaervoll</a></span></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Part 4</strong></p>
<p class="style18"><span class="style219"><a href="/98Book/tarasyuk.htm">Ukranian Foreign Minister Borys Tarasyuk </a><a href="/98Book/geremek.htm">Polish Foreign Minister Bronislaw Geremek </a><a href="/98Book/novotny.htm">Czech Dep Defense Minister Jaromir Novotny </a></span></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Part 5</strong></p>
<p class="style18"><span class="style209"><span class="style197"><a href="/98Book/veigasimao.htm">Portuguese Defense Minister Jose Veiga Simao </a></span><span #invalid_attr_id="10px 0px 0px 10px"><span class="style197"><a href="/98Book/tsohatzopoulos.htm">Greek Defense Minister Apostolos Tsohatzopoulos </a></span></span></span><span class="style219"><a href="/98Book/mihailova.htm">Bulgarian Foreign Minister Nadezha Mihailova</a></span><span class="style219"><a href="/98Book/babiuc.htm">Romanian Defense Minister Victor Babiuc</a></span></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Part 6</strong></p>
<p class="style18"><span class="style219"><a href="/98Book/gansler.htm">US Under Secretary of Defense Jacques Gansler </a><a href="/98Book/weston.htm">British Aerospace Chief Executive John Weston </a></span><span class="style219"><a href="/98Book/piller.htm">Daimler-Benz Aerospace Board Member Wolfgang Piller</a></span><span class="style219"><a href="/98Book/sears.htm">Boeing President Michael Sears </a></span><span class="style219"><a href="/98Book/josefsson.htm">Celsius Chief Executive Lars Josefsson</a></span></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Part 7</strong></p>
<p class="style18"><span class="style219"><a href="/98Book/naumann.htm">NATO Military Committee Chair Gen Klaus Naumann </a></span><span class="style219"><a href="/98Book/voorhoeve.htm">Dutch Defense Minister Joris Voorhoeve </a><a href="/98Book/lyles.htm">US BMDO Director Lt Gen Lester Lyles </a> <a href="/98Book/portillo.htm">UK Fmr Secretary of State for Defense Michael Portillo </a><a href="/98Book/hamre.htm">US Dep Secretary of Defense John Hamre </a></span> </p>
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<h1 ALIGN="CENTER" class="style8 style24 style24 style26">European Security and Balkan Stability</h1>
<P ALIGN="CENTER" class="style8 style27">His Excellency Apostolos Tsohatzopoulos<br>
Minister of Defense of Greece</P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">In the new, unstable, and rapidly changing world order that emerged after the end of the Cold War and the breakup of the Soviet Union, the need for a new security architecture is more than evident. All of the security institutions that were created during the Cold War are now changing in an effort to successfully deal with the new risks of the post-Cold War era. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">With this change has come a security vacuum in Central, Eastern, and Southeastern Europe. The countries in that region are in an unstable transition period and are trying to adapt to the new political and economic circumstances. Because of this situation we must ask two questions: “Is there a need for new mechanisms and institutions to guarantee European security in the post-Cold War period?” and “Is there a need for a new collective security architecture?” The answer to both questions is yes. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">The prerequisites and principles for the construction of this new security architecture have already been established through the resolutions in Berlin, Amsterdam, and Madrid, and comprise three developmental levels. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">The first level is defined by NATO’s evolution to a security organization with a Euro-Atlantic dimension, one that provides a channel for open and equal dialogue between the U.S. and Europe. This new NATO continues to change. Today there is no need for it to defend its member-states from an external enemy. Instead there is the need to create a collective security institution for all of Europe that will enhance security from the Atlantic to the Urals. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">Within such a Pan-European security framework, all European countries, especially the so-called Strategic Partners including Russia and the Ukraine, must participate and share the responsibility for European security and stability. Encouraging such participation are the Permanent Joint Council, the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council, and the enhanced Partnership for Peace. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">The second level on which a new security architecture is being constructed consists of two WEU development tracks: one leads to NATO and the European pillar, and the other to the creation of a Union defense branch. In its position between EU and NATO, the WEU is following the principles of transparency and complementarity. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">But what about those countries that have not been included in the first phase of NATO enlargement. The response to this question leads us to the third level on which the new security architecture is being configured—the desire of these countries, including those in the Baltic and Southeastern Europe areas, for peace and stability until they become integrated with EU, WEU, and NATO. During this period, these countries must be covered by regional security institutions that provide them with effective guarantees of peace and stability. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">Regarding the Kosovo problem, I would like to express my deep concern about the developments in that region. Europe and the Alliance must do everything possible to avoid a new human tragedy. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">Of course, the Alliance could not remain indifferent. A demonstration of active interest and contribution to international community efforts was viewed by NATO as an obligation to which the Alliance responded by setting two clear objectives: </FONT></P>
<UL class="style8 style24 style24">
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">Support for the peaceful resolution of the crisis; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">Stabilization of the regional security and prevention of the crisis’s spillover to neighboring countries. </FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">Toward this end: </FONT></P>
<UL class="style8 style24 style24">
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">Talks between Slobodan Milosevic and Ibrahim Rugova should be seen as a positive step despite their initial lack of progress; the “lines of communication and dialogue” should remain open; and NATOshould encourage both sides to keep these lines open while discouraging solutions based on violence. </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">The three levels of measures adopted by NATO and the active implementation of the first level are directly in support of a peaceful resolution of the crisis. </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">The implementation of the second-level measures in order to strengthen the security of Albania and FYROM, as well as arms control and border monitoring, might have positive consequences. </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">Political efforts should continue and be fully exhausted before NATO starts implementing a third military action level. </FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">The recent Brussels decision underscores the Alliance’s determination to avoid a new tragedy in Kosovo, while at the same time stressing the need for a Mandate and a new decision concerning the use of military force. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">I would like to point out, however, that the Bosnian crisis was completely different from the one in Kosovo and that different solutions are required as a result: </FONT></P>
<UL class="style8 style24 style24">
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">Bosnia was already an independent state and its recognized government invited NATO to intervene; also, internal centrifugal forces were at work there. </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">By contrast, Kosovo is not independent, only an autonomous province/region of a sovereign state (the Former Yugoslavia). Intervention in Kosovo means invading the territory of a sovereign state. Therefore, a decision (Mandate) of the international community (and more specifically the UN Security Council) is required. </FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">A fundamental principle of the new NATO is to cooperate and actively support international organizations. A military intervention without a Mandate violates this fundamental principle. In Kosovo,protagonists to the conflict have two main objectives: Milosevic is seeking an armed confrontation as a way to suspend Kosovo’s autonomous status. The UCK movement is promoting independence (and perhaps union with Albania) through armed confrontation. <I>This objective is unacceptable, however, since it will lead to a change in borders, a highly dangerous and destabilizing development for the whole region.</I> </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">The only solution is for both sides to become convinced that any attempts at imposing changes will be unacceptable to NATO and that the crisis can only be resolved through dialogue. Let us hope that logic and moderation will prevail. In the meantime, we should keep up our efforts at resolving the crisis and preventing a spillover to neighboring countries. <I>But again, let me stress that respect for internationally recognized borders and for human rights is a “conditio sine qua non” for the successful resolution of the Kosovo problem.</I> </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">In concluding, I would like to briefly mention the importance of regional cooperation. The recent Istanbul Statement reaffirmed that the cooperation of southeast European countries is a major initiative of countries in the region, and that other states may complement this cooperation on specific issues. Special reference should also be made about the need to create a multinational (Balkan) peacekeeping force which will be ready to participate in NATO or WEU operations, under UN or OSCE mandate. </FONT></P>
<h1 class="style196 style8 style24 style24"><br>
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