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<TITLE>Hellenic Defense Minister Apostolos Tsohatzopoulos's Address to 15th
NATO Workshop</TITLE>
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CONTENT="Hellenic Defense Minister Apostolos Tsohatzopoulos's address to XVth NATO Workshop in the Hofburg Palace, Vienna, Austria in June, 1998. The NATO Workshop Chairmen were SACEUR General Wesley Clark and Roger Weissinger-Baylon. Minister Tsohatzopoulos explains NATO's need for a new security architecture and the importance of the Kosovo situtation.">
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CONTENT="Greece, Apostolos Tsohatzopoulos, apostolos tsohatzopoulos, Hellenic, NATO, NATO Workshop, NATO expansion, NATO enlargement, SACEUR, General Wesley Clark, Roger Weissinger-Baylon">
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<BODY LINK="0000ff" BGPROPERTIES="FIXED" BGCOLOR="ffffff"><BASEFONT SIZE="3">
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="6" FACE="Arial">European
Security and Balkan Stability </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="4" FACE="Arial">Hellenic
Minister of Defense Apostolos Tsohatzopoulos</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3"> </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">In the new, unstable, and
rapidly changing world order that emerged after the end of the Cold War
and the breakup of the Soviet Union, the need for a new security
architecture is more than evident. All of the security institutions that
were created during the Cold War are now changing in an effort to
successfully deal with the new risks of the post-Cold War era. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">With this change has come a
security vacuum in Central, Eastern, and Southeastern Europe. The
countries in that region are in an unstable transition period and are
trying to adapt to the new political and economic circumstances. Because
of this situation we must ask two questions: “Is there a need for new
mechanisms and institutions to guarantee European security in the
post-Cold War period?” and “Is there a need for a new collective
security architecture?” The answer to both questions is yes.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">The prerequisites and
principles for the construction of this new security architecture have
already been established through the resolutions in Berlin, Amsterdam, and
Madrid, and comprise three developmental levels. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">The first level is defined
by NATO’s evolution to a security organization with a Euro-Atlantic
dimension, one that provides a channel for open and equal dialogue between
the U.S. and Europe. This new NATO continues to change. Today there is no
need for it to defend its member-states from an external enemy. Instead
there is the need to create a collective security institution for all of
Europe that will enhance security from the Atlantic to the Urals. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">Within such a Pan-European
security framework, all European countries, especially the so-called
Strategic Partners including Russia and the Ukraine, must participate and
share the responsibility for European security and stability. Encouraging
such participation are the Permanent Joint Council, the Euro-Atlantic
Partnership Council, and the enhanced Partnership for Peace. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">The second level on which a
new security architecture is being constructed consists of two WEU
development tracks: one leads to NATO and the European pillar, and the
other to the creation of a Union defense branch. In its position between
EU and NATO, the WEU is following the principles of transparency and
complementarity. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">But what about those
countries that have not been included in the first phase of NATO
enlargement. The response to this question leads us to the third level on
which the new security architecture is being configured—the desire of
these countries, including those in the Baltic and Southeastern Europe
areas, for peace and stability until they become integrated with EU, WEU,
and NATO. During this period, these countries must be covered by regional
security institutions that provide them with effective guarantees of peace
and stability. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">Regarding the Kosovo
problem, I would like to express my deep concern about the developments in
that region. Europe and the Alliance must do everything possible to avoid
a new human tragedy. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">Of course, the Alliance
could not remain indifferent. A demonstration of active interest and
contribution to international community efforts was viewed by NATO as an
obligation to which the Alliance responded by setting two clear
objectives: </FONT></P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">Support for the peaceful resolution of
the crisis; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">Stabilization of the regional security
and prevention of the crisis’s spillover to neighboring countries.
</FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">Toward this end: </FONT></P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">Talks between Slobodan Milosevic and
Ibrahim Rugova should be seen as a positive step despite their initial
lack of progress; the “lines of communication and dialogue”
should remain open; and NATOshould encourage both sides to keep these
lines open while discouraging solutions based on violence. </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">The three levels of measures adopted
by NATO and the active implementation of the first level are directly in
support of a peaceful resolution of the crisis. </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">The implementation of the second-level
measures in order to strengthen the security of Albania and FYROM, as
well as arms control and border monitoring, might have positive
consequences. </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">Political efforts should continue and
be fully exhausted before NATO starts implementing a third military
action level. </FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">The recent Brussels decision
underscores the Alliance’s determination to avoid a new tragedy in
Kosovo, while at the same time stressing the need for a Mandate and a new
decision concerning the use of military force. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">I would like to point out,
however, that the Bosnian crisis was completely different from the one in
Kosovo and that different solutions are required as a result: </FONT></P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">Bosnia was already an independent
state and its recognized government invited NATO to intervene; also,
internal centrifugal forces were at work there. </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">By contrast, Kosovo is not
independent, only an autonomous province/region of a sovereign state
(the Former Yugoslavia). Intervention in Kosovo means invading the
territory of a sovereign state. Therefore, a decision (Mandate) of the
international community (and more specifically the UN Security Council)
is required. </FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">A fundamental principle of
the new NATO is to cooperate and actively support international
organizations. A military intervention without a Mandate violates this
fundamental principle. In Kosovo,protagonists to the conflict have two
main objectives: Milosevic is seeking an armed confrontation as a way to
suspend Kosovo’s autonomous status. The UCK movement is promoting
independence (and perhaps union with Albania) through armed confrontation.
<I>This objective is unacceptable, however, since it will lead to a
change in borders, a highly dangerous and destabilizing development for
the whole region.</I> </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">The only solution is for
both sides to become convinced that any attempts at imposing changes will
be unacceptable to NATO and that the crisis can only be resolved through
dialogue. Let us hope that logic and moderation will prevail. In the
meantime, we should keep up our efforts at resolving the crisis and
preventing a spillover to neighboring countries. <I>But again, let me
stress that respect for internationally recognized borders and for human
rights is a “conditio sine qua non” for the successful
resolution of the Kosovo problem.</I> </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">In concluding, I would like
to briefly mention the importance of regional cooperation. The recent
Istanbul Statement reaffirmed that the cooperation of southeast European
countries is a major initiative of countries in the region, and that other
states may complement this cooperation on specific issues. Special
reference should also be made about the need to create a multinational
(Balkan) peacekeeping force which will be ready to participate in NATO or
WEU operations, under UN or OSCE mandate. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><A HREF="tsohat98.htm">Go to Top of Page</A></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><A HREF="workshop98.htm">Return to Vienna '98</A></P>
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<P ALIGN="LEFT">Copyright © 1998 Center for Strategic Decision
Research</P>
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