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    <TITLE>NATO Secretary General Dr. Javier Solana's Keynote Address to the 15th
    NATO Workshop, Vienna, Austria, in June 1998.</TITLE>
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    CONTENT="NATO Secretary General Dr. Javier Solana's keynote address to the 15th NATO Workshop in the Hofburg Palace, 
  Vienna, Austria in June, 1998. Dr. Solana describes NATO's current risks, its instruments for addressing these risks, 
the European role within NATO, and the Partnership with Russia and Ukraine.
 The NATO Workshop Chairmen were SACEUR General Wesley Clark and Roger Weissinger-Baylon.">
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    CONTENT="NATO Secretary General, Javier Solana, javier solana, NATO, NATO Workshop, NATO expansion, 
NATO enlargement, partnership with Russia, partnership with Ukraine,
General Wesley Clark, Roger Weissinger-Baylon">
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    <P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="6" FACE="Arial">Confronting
      the Security Challenges<BR>
       of the New NATO </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="4" FACE="Arial">Secretary
      General of NATO Dr. Javier Solana</FONT> </P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">I was delighted to give the
      keynote address to the 15th NATO Workshop. The Workshop provides an
      important forum for taking stock of what we have achieved and, more
      importantly, for looking ahead. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">Europe has entered a new
      security era. Most nations on this continent are now displaying a
      remarkable sense of common direction and common purpose. Integration has
      become a defining characteristic of today&#146;s security environment,
      with institutions opening up to embrace new members. New mechanisms of
      cooperation enable all countries to have a seat at the Euro-Atlantic
      security table. And a common security space from Vancouver to Vladivostok
      is no longer a distant goal&#151;it is a work in progress. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">NATO&#146;s agenda reflects
      this cooperative spirit, this ethos of adaptation and partnership. Yet, as
      the theme of this year&#146;s Workshop implies, the Alliance also faces
      new challenges. Two of the most crucial of those challenges are
      identifying the new risks and instabilities in today&#146;s Europe, and
      developing and consolidating the tools that enable NATO to cope with these
      risks. </FONT> </P>
    
    <P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Arial"><B>CURRENT
      RISKS AND INSTABILITIES</B> </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">Most likely you have already
      heard about the risks posed by the proliferation of weapons of mass
      destruction and by social unrest and environmental degradation. I will
      therefore focus on what I consider the most urgent challenge we need to
      overcome: regional conflict in the Balkans. The fragile peace in Bosnia
      and the crisis in Kosovo remind us that there are still parts of Europe
      plagued by instability. Such instability not only poses a moral dilemma
      for us, but also represents a concrete security challenge. Our continent
      simply will not find lasting peace and stability if the Balkans remain
      volatile. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">In Bosnia, we have been able
      to break the fateful cycle of violence. The NATO-led Stabilization Force
      that has worked together there is a unique and unprecedented example of
      what true, effective cooperation can achieve. Together, many nations and
      many institutions continue to help&#151;sometimes push&#151;Bosnia towards
      a sustainable peace. While we are still a long way from true
      reconciliation, if the international community stands firm, we will make
      the conflicting parties realize that cooperation remains their only viable
      option. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">The Alliance is showing its
      commitment to this goal by continuing SFOR&#146;s presence in Bosnia. By
      extending SFOR&#146;s stay, we are sending a clear message to all
      concerned: we will not leave before the job is done. The positive
      situation in Bosnia demonstrates the importance of a coherent
      international approach to crisis management and the need for close
      interaction between institutions. It also points out the crucial role NATO
      plays in helping the international community implement a wider strategy.
      </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">Such an international
      approach must also be taken toward Kosovo. Clearly, Kosovo is not Bosnia;
      no two crises are the same. But the events taking place in Kosovo display
      many of the characteristics that have become all too familiar in the
      Bosnian conflict, most notably the cruel practice of &#147;ethnic
      cleansing.&#148; </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">We must put an end to this
      outrage. A new Europe based on shared values can be built only if we are
      ready to uphold these values whenever they are threatened. In Bosnia, we
      have seen that we can make a difference if we follow a coherent strategy
      combining political, economic, and military pressure. There is no reason
      why such a comprehensive approach should not also defuse the Kosovo
      crisis. While it is the conflicting parties themselves who are ultimately
      responsible for their future, if violence continues, then the
      international community must take action and help create the conditions
      for serious negotiations towards a political settlement. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">NATO stands ready to play
      its role in this effort, just as we did in Bosnia. During the weeks prior
      to the XVth Workshop, we demonstrated our readiness to back up
      international diplomacy with military means. The successful air exercise
      in mid-June demonstrated our ability to project air power rapidly into the
      Kosovo region. Our military authorities are looking now at a wide range of
      options. And no option&#151;I repeat, no option&#151;is being ruled out.
      </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">Now is not the time to
      lessen our pressure. The international community must push forward with
      efforts to reach a peaceful settlement. The U.N., NATO, EU, OSCE: all
      institutions must play their full part in preventing another Bosnia.
      </FONT> </P>
    
    <P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Arial"><B>INSTRUMENTS
      TO ENHANCE SECURITY</B> </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">Bosnia and Kosovo bring home
      the fact that deterrence and territorial defense are no longer enough.
      Coping with the risks of a Europe in transition requires an entirely new
      set of tools and instruments. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">One of the most important
      that NATO has put into place is Partnership for Peace, an initiative that
      has provided us with new ways to cooperate across the Euro-Atlantic area.
      PFP has enabled 27 countries with different security policies and
      traditions to cooperate on security&#151;from Austria to Romania, from
      Hungary to Finland. Each Partner can decide the degree of its Partnership
      involvement; each country can tailor its participation to its specific
      needs and interests. Such a setup gives PFP tremendous potential. It is
      the first step towards a wider security culture on this continent and
      beyond. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">The major focus of the
      Partnership is enhancing our ability to work together&#151;be it on
      humanitarian operations or peacekeeping missions. But the Partnership has
      also demonstrated its value in projecting stability in a crisis. In the
      Kosovo crisis, both Albania and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
      have made use of the consultation opportunities provided by PFP. We will
      be holding PFP exercises in both of those countries, and we have advised
      them on how to control their borders and cope with the influx of refugees.
      In June we also opened a Partnership Cell in Tirana. All of these measures
      have helped to prevent the crisis from spilling over, and have reassured
      both Partners that NATO will contribute to their stability in an
      emergency. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">The fact that so many <I>non</I>-NATO
      countries have contributed significantly and successfully to SFOR in
      Bosnia, and that so many are indicating their readiness to help support
      the enhanced Partnership activities in Albania and the Former Yugoslav
      Republic of Macedonia, testifies to the success of the Alliance&#146;s
      effort to build new ties of partnership and cooperation with countries
      throughout the Euro-Atlantic region. These ties will be further
      strengthened by our cooperation in the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council.
      The EAPC brings together all NATO and Partner countries to consult on all
      issues of European security, from peacekeeping to terrorism to regional
      cooperation. Like the Partnership for Peace, the EAPC has already
      demonstrated its value as a means of crisis prevention. Just weeks before
      this Workshop we inaugurated the Euro-Atlantic Disaster Response
      Coordination Center in Brussels. This Center is already playing its part
      in addressing the Kosovo crisis by supporting the UNHCR in carrying aid
      into the region. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">PFP and EAPC are NATO&#146;s
      most visible multinational instruments for shaping Euro-Atlantic security.
      But they are not the only ones. Our dialogue with Southern Mediterranean
      countries is helping to foster new relationships in this vital region.
      And, last but not least, our distinct partnership with Ukraine offers new
      avenues for cooperation with a country of crucial importance to stability
      and security in Europe. </FONT> </P>
    
    <P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Arial"><B>Partnership
      with Russia</B> </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">But there is yet another
      instrument that we need to develop further if our goal of a comprehensive
      Euro-Atlantic security architecture is to become a reality: the new
      partnership with Russia. One cannot build such a comprehensive
      architecture without Russia, let alone against it. Bosnia and Kosovo have
      made it crystal clear: if the international community is to act
      effectively in European crises, Russia must be on board. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">The mechanism to have Russia
      on board is at hand: the Permanent Joint Council. This organization gives
      NATO and Russia a unique forum in which to consult on all issues affecting
      their security: peacekeeping, nuclear safety, NATO-Russia cooperation in
      SFOR, armaments-related cooperation, terrorism, and the retraining of
      retired military personnel, to name just a few. We are also enhancing our
      military-to-military contacts, adding to our very successful cooperation
      in the Stabilization Force in Bosnia. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">Our major common concern at
      the moment is, of course, Kosovo. At the June 18 meeting of the PJC, both
      NATO and Russia reaffirmed their support for the international efforts to
      achieve a peaceful resolution of this conflict. We also hope that
      assurances given by President Milosevic during his recent meeting with
      President Yeltsin will be transformed into deeds. We have not got much
      time left. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">This growing NATO-Russia
      relationship is perhaps the most innovative of the many new instruments
      NATO has created over the course of this decade. It signals most
      dramatically how much Europe&#151;and NATO&#151;have changed. But Europe
      is continuing to change in many more ways. The European integration
      process is only one example of how the region is not only widening but
      deepening. </FONT> </P>
    
    <P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Arial"><B>A
      Stronger Europe Within NATO</B> </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">This point brings me to the
      last instrument I would like to elaborate on today: a stronger European
      personality within NATO. Monetary union is only the latest step in Europe&#146;s
      evolution into a unified strategic actor. A common foreign and security
      policy is also being shaped. And a European Security and Defense Identity
      is being developed within NATO. While the transatlantic link is and will
      remain absolutely vital to the continued success of the Alliance, a new
      NATO requires a new balance of responsibilities. It requires that Europe
      play a role in achieving security that is in line with its economic
      strength. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">Such a rebalancing is fully
      in line with interests on <I>both</I> sides of the Atlantic. The United
      States will not always want to take the lead in each and every crisis in
      Europe; there may be situations where a supporting role in a European-led
      coalition may seem more appropriate. That is why all Allies fully support
      the development of a European Security and Defense Identity. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">With such agreement and
      support, it has been possible to make rapid progress in creating new
      political and military options. NATO&#146;s ever-closer relationship with
      the WEU has provided us with new options for European-led peacekeeping and
      crisis-management operations drawing on NATO assets and capabilities. And
      later this year we will start the process of testing these arrangements,
      with a full trial projected for the year 2000. </FONT> </P>
    
    <P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Arial"><B>CONCLUDING
      REMARKS</B> </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">NATO has set the stage for
      Europe to play a security-enhancing role that is more in line with its
      economic and political strengths. This achievement will be NATO&#146;s
      contribution to a new transatlantic bargain, a bargain that better
      corresponds to the political, military, and economic realities of the 21st
      century. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3">Talking about security risks
      and challenges is not an expression of pessimism. Indeed, compared to
      previous transition periods in European history, this continent is doing
      remarkably well. NATO&#146;s discussion of risks is a discussion of how to
      solve them. No problem is insurmountable, provided we approach it with the
      right instruments. NATO offers many of these instruments: partnership and
      cooperation, military competence, and transatlantic solidarity. This is a
      formidable combination. If we make full use of these instruments, NATO and
      its Partners can, together, cope confidently with any contingency the
      future may hold. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><A HREF="solana98.htm">Go to Top of Page</A></P>
    
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    <P ALIGN="LEFT">Copyright &copy; 1998 Center for Strategic Decision Research</P>
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