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<TITLE>Portuguese Defense Miniser Jose Veiga Simao's Address to 1998 NATO
Workshop, Vienna, Austria</TITLE>
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="6" FACE="Palatino">The
Security of Southwestern Europe</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><FONT SIZE="+1">Minister
of Defense of Portugal José Veiga Simão</FONT><A HREF="0_FN0.htm"><SUP></SUP></A></FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Although
Southwestern Europe is regarded as an area that enjoys a high degree of
stability and does not pose visible security challenges to our Alliance,
it acts as an important interface between Southern Europe, the North
Atlantic, and the Mediterranean. Under NATO’s new Strategic Concept,
I believe the area’s importance will increase. Therefore I would like
to discuss this region, particularly the Mediterranean basin and the
Atlantic Ocean areas, while stating that my choice of topic does not
reflect a lesser interest in the issues that currently dominate the debate
on European security: namely, the situation in the Balkans, NATO
enlargement, relations with Russia and Ukraine, and the future of
Partnership for Peace. </FONT> </P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>THE
IMPORTANCE OF THE ATLANTIC LINK</B></FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Throughout
history, the Atlantic has been of vital importance to Europe. Portugal has
always regarded this ocean as a unifying link between Europe and North
America and, more broadly, with Africa and South America. This continues
to be the case today. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">In the new
NATO structure, the Regional Command located in Oeiras, near Lisbon, will
be responsible for a vast area of the Atlantic, including the vital sea
lanes of communication from the South Atlantic to the north of Europe and
in the approaches to the Mediterranean Sea. Under the guidance of SACLANT,
this headquarters essentially will be responsible for planning and
conducting air and maritime operations in its area of responsibility. The
defense of the Portuguese mainland within the NATO framework also will be
SACLANT’s responsibility. However, SACEUR will play a key role as a
Supporting Commander for operations conducted in the ACLANT area. And
while SACEUR and SACLANT have defined geographical areas of responsibility
in the NATO structure, the new concepts of supported and supporting
commands will be more and more important, as flexible tools for future
NATO activities. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Given its
geographical position, the Regional Command in Oeiras will be very well
placed to interface between the two strategic commands, the Atlantic and
Europe, and, within the SACEUR’s area of responsibility, with
Regional Command South in Naples. We anticipate, therefore, that the
Regional Command in Oeiras will play an important role in developing a
flexible and coordinated strategy to deal with non-Article 5 missions,
namely, peace-support and humanitarian operations in the Western
Mediterranean and on the Northwestern coast of Africa. We also believe
that it should become a full-fledged CJTF command with a land component
able to advance operations with other nations and to work with
non-governmental organizations as well. The results of the exercise Strong
Resolve 98 have shown the need to develop procedural codes and appropriate
simulation techniques for these types of operations. </FONT> </P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>THE
IMPORTANCE OF THE MEDITERRANEAN LINK<BR>
</B><FONT SIZE="+1">Africa</FONT></FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The
Mediterranean link with Africa is an important one because this is a
continent where we can anticipate serious security challenges, not in
terms of threats to NATO but rather in terms of humanitarian crises. All
of us can recall dramatic pictures that appear on television screens from
time to time that show African countries engulfed by civil war and the
inevitable humanitarian disasters that ensue from these conflicts. We are
currently in the middle of a tragic example of such catastrophes in
Guinea-Bissau, where Portugal, as well as other NATO countries, has had to
mount evacuation operations to withdraw thousands of citizens from NATO
and non-NATO countries and is now channeling humanitarian aid there. I
believe that NATO should consider how it could help in such emergencies,
perhaps by creating a small cell to help with operational logistics.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><FONT SIZE="+1">South
America</FONT></FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">As far as
South America is concerned, most of the countries there share our values
and can make important contributions to our common security. Brazil has
sent three ships to participate in the exercise Linked Seas 97, and
Argentina will participate in the Multinational Specialized Units to be
deployed in Bosnia. We welcome the cooperation of Latin American countries
with NATO activities and welcome also their contributions to NATO
exercises and operations, which are decided on a case-by-case basis.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="4" FACE="Palatino">The
Southern Mediterranean</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Turning to
the the southern shore of the Mediterranean, I believe that the key
objective of NATO’s policy should be to devise a cooperative
framework involving as many countries as possible from that area. The
Mediterranean Dialogue is an important first step, but we must go further.
We have already agreed that we can draw on PFP experience as we consider
how to develop the Dialogue further. To be more precise, all the Allies
have agreed that strengthening this Dialogue could eventually lead to
PFP-inspired activities for the six Mediterranean partners. This would not
be an extension of the PFP program, but a new organic model, inspired by
PFP and adapted to the political and strategic conditions of this area, to
be gradually implemented with carefully selected countries. It must be
shown to these countries in a concrete way that we consider them partners
for peace and development. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">We believe
that too much emphasis has been placed on possible threats to Europe from
the southern shore of the Mediterranean. This talk has unwittingly caused
some of the countries in this area to have misguided perceptions about our
aims. We must try to dissipate these misconceptions by developing more
confidence-building measures, increasing the intensity of the Dialogue,
and promoting the association of our Mediterranean partners with NATO
activities, including their active participation in NATO military
exercises linked to peace and security. </FONT> </P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>CONCLUDING
REMARKS</B></FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">To conclude,
I would like to say that NATO is a unique organization capable of
structuring multilateral security-related cooperation with a wide number
of countries and, if need be, to project power in a coordinated way. As we
ponder the security challenges of the next century, we believe that NATO
will have an increasingly important role to play not only in traditional
Washington Treaty matters but beyond them as well. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">NATO cannot
be an all-purpose organization, nor can it spread its wings to every part
of the globe. I believe, however, that the unique combination of skills
and resources at NATO’s disposal can make a difference in many
situations. The Mediterranean is an area of traditional concern for Europe
and one that I believe is already a NATO priority. However, we should not
be afraid of looking at other areas where Europeans and North Americans
have moral, social, and economic interests and responsibilities, and where
our collective purpose can make a significant contribution to
international peace and security.</FONT></P>
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<P ALIGN="LEFT">Copyright © 1998 Center for Strategic Decision
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