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<TITLE>Austrian Foreign Minister Wolfgang Schuessel's Address to 1998 NATO
Workshop, Vienna, Austria</TITLE>
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="6" FACE="Palatino">Europe’s
Security and the New NATO </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="4" FACE="Palatino">Foreign
Minister of Austria Wolfgang Schüssel</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"> This 15th
NATO Workshop was held at a very special moment: it coincided with the
visit of Pope John Paul II to Austria; some of the most prominent
participants continued from Vienna to Salzburg for the World Economic
Forum, where the implications of European Union enlargement were
discussed; and Austria assumed the presidency of that Union only 11 days
later. Though it would be fascinating to analyze the relationships among
these different events at some length, in the interest of time I will
limit myself to a number of general observations. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The
momentous changes of 1989 will become irreversible only if all of us
accept the belief that Europe represents a community of values. The need
for including common values has been the constant message of the Holy
Father, and is also the foundation on which organizations such as the
European Union and NATO have rested since their very creation. We clearly
owe a special debt of gratitude to the present Pope for the key role he
has played in the march of Central and Eastern European nations towards
freedom and democracy—Stalin’s famous question, “The Pope!
How many divisions has he got?” has clearly proved irrelevant—but
it is also true that the new Europe would never have come into existence
if the divisions of NATO had not, during four decades, defended the
interests of the entire community of free democracies—and therefore
also the interests of Austria—with such determination and vigor.
</FONT> </P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>CHANGES
THROUGHOUT EUROPE</B></FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">I am aware
that discussions during the Workshop centered on Europe’s security
and the new NATO. But I also believe that none of us would ever have had
the chance to discuss the new NATO and the new Europe if the “old
NATO” had not worked the way it did! This is a simple truth that no
European should ever forget. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">In my
opinion, the fact that Austria has assumed the presidency of the European
Union (and that the 15th NATO Workshop chose Vienna as its venue) is proof
of how much has changed in Europe, and in my own country, during the last
ten years. Austria has, of course, been part of the family of Western
European democracies since 1945; we have been active partners in the
process of European integration from the outset. We applied for membership
in the European Union at a time when the Iron Curtain still existed. But
nobody can deny that the end of the East-West conflict greatly facilitated
Austria’s accession to the European Union—and now also forces us
to reflect about the future of Austrian security policy. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">It will come
as no surprise that the ongoing enlargement of the European Union and of
NATO are developments that affect us in very direct ways. These two
processes are, of course, autonomous, but they are linked by the very fact
that enlarging NATO and the Union can help to anchor our neighbors in
Central and Eastern Europe in a European system of lasting stability and
security. Such a step is of course also in the national interest of a
country that lies where Austria lies. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">I see the
enlargement of NATO and the European Union as acts of historical justice.
I can still remember the dramatic days in 1956 when my family harbored
Hungarian relatives who had been forced to flee from Budapest. And I will
never forget the tragic fate of the “Prague spring,” the heroic
history of the “Solidarnoscz” movement, and the courage of the
millions who took to the streets all over Europe, in the summer and autumn
of 1989, for our common European values. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">These
remembrances comprise some of the reasons why our very best wishes will go
out to our friends in Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Poland when they
join the Alliance in April 1999. They are also why we believe that all our
partner countries in Central and Eastern Europe must have a clear
perspective of membership in the European Union. Let me assure you that we
shall consider the enlargement of the Union as one of the foremost
priorities of our forthcoming presidency. </FONT> </P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>THE
CONTINUING NEED FOR NATO</B></FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">While some
have tried to argue that NATO is a product of the Cold War and has
therefore outlived its usefulness under the conditions of the new Europe,
anyone who has witnessed what NATO has achieved in Bosnia will find this
argument incomprehensible and useless. The same is true regarding recent
developments in Kosovo. You just have to switch on your TV set to see
Albanian refugees in Kosovo brandishing self-made posters bearing the
inscription “Help, NATO, help!” </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">I have great
respect for President Yeltsin’s efforts to exert pressure on the
Belgrade authorities, but I remain skeptical about the commitments made by
President Milosevic. I also believe that the message that EU heads of
state and government agreed upon in Cardiff was as clear as could be.
However, I still fear that the explosive situation in Kosovo remains the
greatest challenge to European security, and that we may, once again,
experience a situation in which NATO proves to be our last resort.</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="4" FACE="Palatino">Austrian
Support</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">It will not
surprise you that Austria has always been particularly sensitive about
developments in the Balkans; we just happen to live in the neighborhood of
this geopolitical earthquake zone. Bosnia and Kosovo are actually closer
to Vienna, as the crow flies, than most parts of Switzerland. IFOR and
SFOR thus probably had a greater effect on our security environment than
on that of most members of the Alliance. The same could be true if NATO is
forced to become active in the Kosovo conflict. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">That is why
we recently made the decision to maintain our transport unit in Bosnia
beyond June 1998, and why we will continue to support this NATO-led peace
operation by granting the necessary transit rights. You can also count on
our solidarity with all measures that the international community decides
on concerning the dangerous situation in Kosovo, including measures that
may require authorization under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United
Nations.</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>COLLECTIVE
DEFENSE AND THE TRANSATLANTIC LINK</B></FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The security
challenges that NATO is facing are undoubtedly different from those from
the days of East-West confrontation. We are, thank God, no longer faced
with the menace of a major conflict of continental (or even global)
dimensions. But does this mean that NATO’s core functions in the
field of collective defense are now unnecessary? And should we draw the
conclusion that there is no longer any need for a strong transatlantic
link and a substantial U.S. military presence in Europe? Coming from the
Austrian Foreign Minister, my answer may surprise you, but it is a clear “no”
in both cases. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Let me first
comment on the issue of Article 5 guarantees. There has never been a time
in post-war European history when the invoking of these guarantees was
less likely. But if you lived in the part of Europe where Austria lies—and
if you had experienced the calamities that have occurred at our own
doorstep during these last years—you would never exclude the
possibility that circumstances may change again. It does no good to sign
up for fire insurance once your house—or your neighbor’s—has
started to burn! </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">As a matter
of principle, I am moreover of the opinion that there can be no lasting
community of solidarity unless partners are able to count on each other’s
support in the case of aggression. In fact, I believe that this not only
holds true for NATO but will, in time, also apply to the European Union if
the concept of a real and <I>common</I> foreign, security, and defense
policy means what it says. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">As to the
transatlantic link, the developments of these last years have clearly
underlined its continued importance. Everybody knows that Europe only came
to grips with the war in the Balkans thanks to the transatlantic
partnership; everybody is also aware of the simple truth that IFOR could
not have developed the way it did if the U.S. forces already stationed in
Europe had not been at the very heart of the entire operation. A strong—and
continued—American military presence on the European continent is not
only necessary in the interest of traditional collective defense, but it
is also important for the structures of European crisis management to
function effectively.</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>STRONG
EUROPEAN CAPABILITIES</B> </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Having said
all this I nonetheless believe that we Europeans must substantially
develop our own capacities in the field of crisis management. I am happy
to say that the Amsterdam Treaty helps to do this very thing. From our
point of view, including the Petersberg Tasks in the European Union Treaty
is also a useful step forward. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">But we also
know that these decisions must be seen in conjunction with NATO’s
efforts to develop a European Security and Defense Identity within the
Alliance—a goal that is shared by 11 of our 14 partners in the
European Union. I am convinced that it would not make sense to duplicate
existing structures and mechanisms that continue to work very
successfully. We do not need international or regional organizations
competing against each other. What we need is an intelligent division of
labor. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Austria is
aware that the Berlin decisions have greatly facilitated the development
of a functioning European crisis management system. We also believe that
the CJTF concept can make an important contribution to a European Security
and Defense Identity and thus hope that its implementation will continue
to move ahead. This would certainly also be in our own security interest.
I also think that we should try to strengthen the links between all
relevant organizations, in particular between NATO and the European Union.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The Madrid
Summit rightly referred to the “common strategic interests” that
“the Alliance and the European Union share.” But do we take
account of this fact in everyday life? NATO and the European Union may
have their headquarters in the very same city, but until now there have
been no institutional (or even informal) contacts between these two
organizations. I know that this is an issue that is cause for thought on
the other side of the Atlantic, but I am also aware that some of our
partners in the Union continue to view this question with great reticence.
Nonetheless I believe that we should seek to establish a direct dialogue
between these two organizations that are at the heart of the new Europe.</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>WORKSHOP
ISSUES</B></FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">I am sure
that this Workshop will give you a chance to review the fundamental
changes that NATO has experienced during these last years. You will
probably discuss NATO’s future strategic orientation. You will speak
about the increasing importance of NATO’s new missions. You will
evaluate the functioning of the NATO-Russia Founding Act and the
NATO-Ukraine Charter—documents that provide Russia and Ukraine with
decision-shaping and dialogue mechanisms that no other PFP Partner has at
its disposal. You may also debate the potential of Partnership for Peace
and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. And you will certainly consider
the prospects of further enlargement of NATO. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">In the
course of your discussions, however, you may also wonder about future
developments in Austria. If you look at what has happened in Austrian
security politics since 1989, you will discover some remarkable changes.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">There is now
general consensus in this country that obligations of international
solidarity, especially those that Austria has accepted as a member of the
United Nations and the European Union, take precedence over obligations of
classic neutrality. There is also agreement that classic neutrality does
not make sense once the international community has decided to take common
action against an aggressor or lawbreaker. We know that nobody can remain
neutral in a conflict between the fire and the fire brigade. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">We also
share the Amsterdam perspective of a common European defense, and we are
prepared to support the integration of the WEU into the European Union. We
have just changed our Constitution so that we are able to participate in
all areas of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy,
including future peace-enforcement missions. And as to PFP, we are
interested in cooperating with Partners in the full range of peace-support
operations. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">I also hope
that this important Workshop will help to shape Austrian perceptions of
the Alliance—particularly because I am convinced that NATO will
remain essential for the security of Europe—and thus for Austrian
security.</FONT></P>
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1998 Center for Strategic Decision Research</FONT></P>
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