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    <TITLE>U.K. Defense Minister George Robertson's Address to 1998 NATO Workshop, Vienna, Austria</TITLE>
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    <P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="7" FACE="Palatino">The New
      NATO </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="4" FACE="Palatino">United
      Kingdom Secretary of State for Defense George Robertson</FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Although I
      was the penultimate speaker of the XVth NATO Workshop, I will not be
      providing you with a summary, but with a look forward. I want to
      talk about the new NATO&#151;how will it meet new challenges? How
      will it take advantage of new opportunities? How can it define its
      role as it begins its second half-century? These are vital questions
      that we must answer if NATO is to remain relevant into the new millennium
      and&#151;just as important&#151;if it is to be seen as relevant by the
      taxpayers who fund it.<FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
      </FONT></FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><FONT SIZE="+1"><B>AN
      UPDATED STRATEGIC CONCEPT</B></FONT></FONT></FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">These
      issues are now being debated within NATO as part of the examination and
      updating of the Alliance&#146;s Strategic Concept, which will be put to
      our heads of state and governments at the Washington Summit. The
      Strategic Concept must set out the roles and purpose of the new NATO, and
      I would like now to discuss how I believe the Strategic Concept should
      address those roles and that purpose. </FONT> </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="4" FACE="Palatino">Retain
      Founding Principles</FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">First, the
      new NATO must retain the key principles that have brought success and
      security in the past. These are: </FONT></P>
    <UL>
      <LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Embodying and
        maintaining the transatlantic dimension of our security; </FONT></LI>
      <LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Maintaining an
        effective and flexible military instrument for dealing with future risks
        and challenges; </FONT></LI>
      <LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Acting as the Allies&#146;
        primary forum for consultation on all issues of security concern;
        </FONT></LI>
      <LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Preventing the
        renationalization of defense in Europe. </FONT></LI>
    </UL>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT SIZE="+1"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">These
      principles have underpinned the Alliance for half a century. Through
      them, NATO has brought greater stability to Western Europe than our
      continent has ever known, so it is vital that we maintain them. NATO
      has been one of the great success stories of the 20th century, and we
      should celebrate this but not rest on our laurels&#151;the world does not
      stand still. </FONT> </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="4" FACE="Palatino">Recognize
      and Address New Developments </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Second, the
      Euro-Atlantic security environment in which the 1991 Strategic Concept was
      written was very different from today&#146;s environment&#151;the Concept
      was written for a world in the midst of dramatic transition. That
      transition is still taking place, opening doors to an era of ever more
      rapid change. But NATO has developed too, in both scale and scope.
      </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">It is a fact
      that NATO is now undertaking operations in Bosnia, and did so in mid-June
      around Kosovo. It is also a fact that NATO now has varied and strong
      relations with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. And it
      is a fact that European Allies are developing a European Defense Identity
      with the Alliance. There are many areas in which NATO has moved
      forward since 1991. And it is important for NATO&#146;s continuing
      relevance that the Strategic Concept recognize these developments. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">I would like
      now to talk about three particular developments: the types of military
      missions the Alliance might undertake; the development of military
      relations with non-Allies; and the development of a European Security and
      Defense Identity (ESDI). </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">1. <I>The
      types of missions we might ask our armed forces to undertake</I>. I
      am quite certain that we must maintain NATO&#146;s bedrock mission of
      collective defense. We must also ensure that our national and Allied
      plans, and the military capabilities that would turn them into reality,
      are equal to this collective guarantee. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">But,
      increasingly, in the current and foreseeable security environment, the
      risks that we face are not of a collective-defense nature. NATO must
      therefore place more emphasis on its ability to respond to the
      multi-dimensional contingencies that are now more prevalent. Increasingly,
      we must face situations where there is no direct attack on an Ally but
      shared Allied interests are affected nonetheless. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The Alliance
      response to such contingencies cannot be automatic or determined in
      advance. So our approach should be permissive and flexible. Decisions
      should be made case by case, taking full account of the circumstances at
      the time. We must judge whether, and by how much, collective
      interests are at stake, and whether a military response is appropriate.
      </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Our focus in
      updating the Strategic Concept should be on identifiable risks to shared
      Allied interests. We will not find success in geographical or
      functional limits. All NATO action must of course be fully
      consistent with international law. And the Strategic Concept must
      also recognize that response decisions will always be difficult. It
      must facilitate the decision-making process, not encumber it. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">But to
      undertake the full range of its missions collectively, NATO Allies must
      ensure that they have the right military capabilities. Alliance
      forces must be flexible, deployable, mobile, and sustainable. They
      must be capable of operating well away from their normal base location;
      they must be capable of operating over extended periods of time; and they
      must be capable of responding rapidly to a diverse range of military
      scenarios. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">If we are to
      be a serious military alliance, it is important that all Allies have
      capable armed forces. NATO cannot rely on one or two countries
      alone. And we must not think that peace-support operations are less
      demanding on our forces than conventional territorial defense: such
      operations can, as Bosnia has taught us, be very challenging, particularly
      to our deployability and sustainability. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">2. <I>NATO&#146;s
      developing relationship with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe</I>.
      Since 1994, the Partnership for Peace has steadily created a
      community of nations willing and able to work together&#151;and with NATO.
      It has been a great success, and is now a major feature in the
      Euro-Atlantic security architecture. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The
      Partnership for Peace, and a mature Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council, can
      play major roles in building confidence and trust between the armed forces
      of NATO and its partners, as well as between their peoples and their
      governments. The new Strategic Concept must reflect this point.
      The Partnership for Peace offers Partners an unprecedented spectrum
      of opportunities through which to develop links with NATO, and we must
      continue to build and deepen them. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Bilateral
      relations between Allies and Partners are also extremely important. The
      U.K.&#146;s bilateral program with the countries of Central and Eastern
      Europe complements NATO&#146;s own work. The know-how of British
      armed forces is highly sought after in these countries. I am keen to
      promote this &#147;defense diplomacy&#148; in every way I can. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The skills
      and ethos of the British armed forces make our servicemen and women
      especially able to develop bilateral contacts with their colleagues in
      Central and Eastern Europe, generating confidence between them and
      building advanced security. This is the human face of
      military-to-military relations, and I am keen to develop it wherever
      possible. Investments of this type are a valuable insurance policy
      against future instability&#151;in Europe and further afield. Conflict
      prevention is equally as important as conflict resolution. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The
      Strategic Concept must also reflect the very welcome developments in NATO&#146;s
      relations with Russia and Ukraine. NATO must work up a solid and
      constructive relationship with the new Russia. We are already
      partners in attempting to resolve the problems of the Balkans. We
      must build on this. The signing of the NATO-Russia Founding Act, and
      the founding of the Permanent Joint Council, will also allow greater
      practical cooperation and confidence building. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Our work
      with our Ukrainian partners under the NATO-Ukraine Charter recognizes the
      distinctive place of Ukraine in European security. Last September,
      as guest of the Defense Minister of Ukraine and the Defense Minister of
      Poland, I sailed from Sebastopol to Yalta aboard the flagship of the
      Ukrainian navy on the way to a joint military exercise. By engaging
      in practical cooperation of this type, we are breaking ground for the
      foundation of wider Euro-Atlantic security. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">As part of
      developing relations with non-NATO countries, we must look to the
      enlargement of the Alliance. We look forward to formally welcoming
      the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland as full members of the Alliance,
      and believe the new Strategic Concept should reaffirm that the Alliance
      will remain open, under the provisions of Article 10 of its treaty, to
      countries in a position to further the principles of the treaty and
      contribute to security in the Euro-Atlantic area. But the Strategic
      Concept is not the place to debate the who or when of further enlargement.
      </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">3. <I>The
      development of the European Security and Defense Identity</I>. I
      firmly believe that the development of ESDI within NATO will come to be
      seen as one of the most important developments in the Euro-Atlantic
      security architecture in recent years. It is therefore important
      that the new Strategic Concept recognize that European Allies may wish to
      act together in circumstances where our North American Allies do not wish
      to become involved. The Concept must take account of developments to
      make ESDI a reality, including the possibility that NATO may agree that
      Alliance assets and capabilities can be used for operations under the
      political control and strategic direction of the WEU. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">If European
      Allies are to build a credible ESDI, however, they must also recognize
      that their military capabilities must be developed to meet the challenges
      of these operations. The Strategic Concept must ensure that it is this
      vision of a powerful, practical, and empowering ESDI that prevails.</FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B><FONT SIZE="+1">CONCLUDING
      REMARKS</FONT></B></FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">In summary,
      the new Strategic Concept will give us unique scope for setting out how
      NATO will meet new challenges and use new opportunities. NATO Allies
      must seize this chance to demonstrate the Alliance&#146;s relevance to
      their publics.</FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><A HREF="robertson98.htm">Go to Top of Page</A></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><A HREF="workshop98.htm">Return to Vienna '98</A></P>
    
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    <P ALIGN="LEFT">Copyright &copy; 1998 Center for Strategic Decision
      Research</P>
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