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<TITLE>U.S. Dep. Sec. of Def. John J. Hamre's Address to 1998 NATO
Workshop, Vienna, Austria</TITLE>
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="6" FACE="Palatino">Unconventional
Threats to the New Europe and the Need to Cooperate with NATO</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="4" FACE="Palatino">United
States Deputy Secretary of Defense John J. Hamre</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">As NATO
stands on the brink of its 50th anniversary, it is very important that we
all think about its future, the future of Partnership for Peace, and the
future of our own countries. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Historians
will conclude that this is a fortunate time in European history. We
have seen a transformation to freedom that is grand in scope, noble in
cause, and unique in the annals of humankind. From the Atlantic to
the Urals, we are helping to secure the peace of the post-Cold War world.
We have a chance to make the 21st century in Europe the antithesis of the
20th century in Europe. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">This
historic time did not come to us through luck, but through determined
leadership. It also came through the perseverance of peoples throughout
the continent who remained steadfast in their support of freedom, and
through the resilience and strength of our military commitment to stand
against oppression. These were the forces that brought down the Berlin
Wall. The burning truth of democratic idealism destroyed the Iron Curtain,
but it has taken the determined persistence of military might to give the
new democratic ideas time to take root and grow. </FONT> </P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>UNCONVENTIONAL
THREATS TO THE NEW EUROPE</B></FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">While these
are golden days, they are not without peril. The theme of this conference
is “Confronting the Security Challenges of the New NATO.” Future
foes, unable to prevail in a conventional challenge, are likely to seek
other ways to challenge us. Our opponents of the future, be they
nation-states, sub-states, or transnational actors, will seek our Achilles
heels—unconventional ways to attack our vulnerabilities. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Unfortunately,
modern post-industrial society provides many targets for would-be
adversaries. Future opponents who could not match us on traditional
battlefields have disturbing new tools. These include: </FONT></P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Chemical and
biological weapons—and the ability to deliver them; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Nuclear weapons, still
threatening despite Herculean efforts to control them; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Cyberattacks against
vital information systems, capable of disrupting and even destroying the
infrastructure of modern society; and </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The scourge of
terrorism and the willingness of terrorists to use chemical and
biological weapons. </FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Meeting
these threats demands unprecedented cooperation among all of our
countries. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">While
current, in some ways these threats are not new. Chemical and biological
weapons have been used before. In ancient times, the Spartans assailed the
Athenians with noxious fumes from smoldering pitch and sulfur. During the
Middle Ages, cadavers were catapulted over besieged city walls to spread
death and disease. In this century, the searing sting of mustard gas
poisoned the battlefields of Europe, and nerve gas has claimed innocent
civilians in Iraq. Combatants since the dawn of time have sought to sever
vital lines of communication, and terrorism has been a tool of conflict
for as long as fear has been a weapon. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">What makes
their use in our age different is that these threats are becoming
strategic weapons, and are no longer used in tactical maneuvers.
Technology has made these weapons more powerful and much more widely
available. Five pounds of anthrax, properly dispersed, would kill over
200,000 in Washington, DC. Internet sites now give instructions on how to
make chemical bombs and how to make primitive biological agents. Hackers’
clubs around the world compete to break into the computers of business,
academia, and government. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">We have only
to look around the world to realize that chemical, biological, and nuclear
weapons are a growing threat. At least two dozen nations already possess
chemical and biological weapons or have active development programs to
build them. The globalization of world economies and increasing ease of
information transfer make knowledge of these weapons available to even
more nations and non-state actors at the click of a button. The Tokyo
subway Sarin gas attack broke the taboo of first use, sparking interest by
dozens of other terrorists/fringe organizations. And the shock of nuclear
tests in the deserts of India and Pakistan still reverberates in each of
our capitals, and makes us fear that others may match their terrible
decisions. </FONT> </P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>U.S.
EFFORTS TO COUNTER THE NEW THREATS</B></FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">But the
picture is not uniformly gloomy! In the U.S., we have decided that these
so-called asymmetric threats (threats made by small numbers requiring huge
numbers for defense) represent the most important security challenge of
the next century, and stopping the proliferation of chemical, biological,
and nuclear weapons and protecting our vulnerable infrastructure will be
our top security priorities. We have initiated a broad range of measures
to help us as we enter this frightening new world. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">First, we
will continue our participation in and expand our funding of the
Cooperative Threat Reduction Program to speed the reduction or elimination
of nuclear weapons in Russia, Belarus, Kazahkstan, and Ukraine. We would
like to extend that program to include the elimination of chemical
weapons. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Second, we
have reorganized and consolidated our own Defense Department, bringing
over a dozen separate treaty and threat-reduction implementation efforts
into a single new defense threat-reduction agency. This new agency will be
the focal point of our efforts to reduce nuclear, chemical, and biological
threats. It will monitor all of our treaties. It will manage the licensing
process for the export of technologies and products that have dual-use
potential. It will manage all of our programs that collaborate with other
countries to reduce threatening systems. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Third, to
protect our armed forces, for the first time in our history we have
instituted mandatory systematic vaccinations against deadly anthrax for
our entire military. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Fourth, I
believe that at some point we will offer voluntary vaccinations to all
Americans. While that decision lies in the future, we will spend over $5
billion on chemical and biological protection and counterproliferation
efforts over the next six years. The major emphasis will be on developing
remote detection systems and non-aqueous diagnostic techniques. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Fifth, we
have launched an expansive new effort under the label of “homeland
defense.” For example, to protect our citizens in the U.S., we have
organized special Rapid Assessment Teams within our National Guard. We are
placing teams at strategic locations around the U.S. that will be trained
to identify, diagnose, and contain terror-weapon attacks using chemical
and biological agents. We are also building a new generation of rapid
diagnostic equipment that can identify deadly chemical and biological
agents within seconds or minutes. In the United States, the Defense
Department is normally not commissioned to deal with internal threats. We
will be changing that in coming months. But a terrorist incident that
involves chemical or biological agents will quickly outstrip the ability
of local emergency authorities to deal with it. Military forces
unfortunately are better able to deal with the consequences of chemical,
biological, or nuclear use, especially if those weapons result in mass
casualties. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">All of these
actions demonstrate that the U.S. firmly believes that the threat of
terrorism and weapons of terror is very real and increasing. </FONT> </P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>THE
NEED FOR COLLABORATION WITH NATO</B></FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Our
new-found emphasis on America’s homeland defense should <I>not</I>
be seen as a retreat from NATO. Indeed, we believe we cannot succeed in
countering international terrorism without active collaboration with our
partners in NATO. We think it is equally important that NATO members and
Partner countries take this threat just as seriously, and that we all
continue and expand efforts to counter proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction. Indeed, monitoring threatening developments and determining
hostile acts will demand an unprecedented level of cooperation among all
NATO Allies. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">NATO has
already made important initial strides. The senior politico-military group
on proliferation was created to review political issues. The senior
defense group on proliferation was created to address the defense issues
associated with nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons risks. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">In June
1998, the defense group issued a report taking stock of NATO defense
efforts against proliferation. The group noted that both NATO and
member-countries have taken the essential first steps to adapt forces to
face the risks of terror weapons. The group’s report makes several
excellent recommendations on how the Alliance can enhance its defense
posture against asymmetric chemical and biological threats. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">One
recommendation focuses on the challenges posed by possible attacks against
civilian targets. The report also notes that NATO should consider national
and collective responses to these threats, including providing appropriate
defense support to civil authorities. I believe it is appropriate for the
NATO senior defense group on proliferation to consider how NATO—and
interested Partner countries—can further improve their capabilities
for dealing with the consequences of these horrific weapons. We must all
act on these recommendations in order to sustain progress. The report
makes it clear that much more needs to be done to prepare our forces and
protect our citizens. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The senior
defense group report also recognizes that theater missile defense is a
vital component of NATO’s military posture. Missile defense is
required to adapt to new out-of-area missions and a new security
environment characterized by the proliferation of ballistic missiles armed
with chemical, biological, or nuclear warheads. The threat to our troops
and our cities from theater ballistic missiles is real and here today. The
Alliance must continue to work toward developing layered ballistic missile
defense. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">In the near
term, one of our common goals should be establishing an effective
coalition warfare capability among those Allies already possessing missile
defense systems. We are making progress. The U.S., Germany, and the
Netherlands—the three member-nations with the Patriot system—have
participated together in theater missile-defense exercises and planning.
NATO nations should build on this cooperation to identify further
opportunities to strengthen our defenses. Missile defense is integral to
our response to the threat of terror weapons, and it is part of our
broader efforts to counter the threats of the future. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">To guide
these efforts, we must ensure that NATO take full account of nuclear,
chemical, and biological risks in its upcoming updating of the Strategic
Concept. We need strong defense guidelines to enable all of us to prepare
our forces to counter these threats. </FONT> </P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>SECURING
INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY STRUCTURES</B></FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">We also must
realize the national security implications of the explosion in information
technologies. Computers and virtual linkages make it possible for us to
communicate tremendous amounts of information to our allies and partners.
The militaries of all of our countries rely on this technology. But
information technology can be both a benefit and a burden. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Once our
critical national and Alliance infrastructures were defined by geography
and physical equipment. That is no longer true. There are no borders in
cyberspace. Critical infrastructures now are vastly dependent on
information systems; all of our nations depend on these systems to run our
communications, power grids, air traffic control systems, hospitals, banks—all
of our key functions. It is absolutely imperative that we prepare now to
protect these systems. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">In the
United States last year, we ran an exercise in the Defense Department in
which we tried to test whether or not we were susceptible to computer
attack. We asked a small group of employees to use off-the-shelf,
commercially available computers and software to see if they could attack
the computer systems that control our infrastructure—our electric
power system, for example. We learned that it requires only a modest,
easily available capability to seriously disrupt vital services such as
electric power distribution and telecommunications systems. A handful of
capable computer specialists—something well within the reach of even
moderately developed countries—using off-the-shelf tools and
techniques can wage war on the largest nations in the world. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The United
States has now implemented a presidentially mandated national plan to
provide information assurance measures. We are establishing lead agencies
that will act as coordinating bodies for work with private American
companies and concerns. We have designated a Senior National Coordinator
for Infrastructure Protection on our National Security Council. We have
created a new National Infrastructure Protection Center. We are also
establishing a National Warning and Analysis Center, and are increasing
expenditures for information assurance. But we can’t fix this problem
unless we develop working partnerships with the private sector. We also
cannot accept weaknesses in Allies, since in cyberspace the weakest link
breaks the entire chain. Coordination among NATO and Partnership
countries, and between NATO functions, will be the key to effectively
implementing information assurance measures. The fear that the U.S. will
outpace our allies in technology will only get worse if NATO weakness
undermines our security against cyberattacks. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">We must make
the critical infrastructures in all of our countries less vulnerable to
cyberattack. We must implement information assurance regimes so that we
can reliably and securely protect our information systems. This spring I
traveled to Europe to talk to several participants of the Xvth NATO
Workshop about this issue—U.S. senior defense officials have also
been here in Europe discussing this threat. We have laid the groundwork,
but much more must be done. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Because the
need to address the threat of cyberattack is so great, it should also be
addressed in the new Strategic Concept. NATO should seek a coordinated
response. The Senior Civil Emergency Planning Committee is one structure
that could assume a coordinating role. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>CONCLUDING
REMARKS</B></FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">While NATO
has already spent significant amounts of time and money on addressing the
terrorist threat, fighting terrorism demands continuing close cooperation
among all partners. The threat of terrorism is not only national—it
is international. And force protection initiatives must include not just
defense <I>anti-</I>terrorism efforts, but also proactive <I>counter</I>-terrorism
efforts. The results of just a single terrorist attack, if it involves
chemical or biological weapons, underscore the need for our efforts to
combat this scourge. We must prepare now so that when a horrific event
does occur we do not act in haste and jeopardize the civil liberties we
cherish in our democracies. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">With these
points I have only scratched the surface of what I view as the threats of
the future. In other chapters, Undersecretary for Acquisition and
Technology Jacques Gansler and the director of our Ballistic Missile
Defense Office, Lieutenant General Lester Lyles will discuss some of these
emerging threats at greater length. But I do hope I have stimulated your
thinking on how we should respond to asymmetric threats. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">We stand
poised now at a great moment in history, and have overcome many of the
threats of the past. But in order to realize Europe’s great potential
in the 21st century, and the great potential of America’s partnership
with Europe, we must maintain our vigilance against these threats. I hope
historians 50 years from now look back and say that the leaders of 1998
had the same foresight as the leaders of 1949 to put in place the
foundation of security that brought us all safely through the most
dangerous epoch in human history.</FONT></P>
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