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<TITLE>Polish Foreign Minister Bronislaw Geremek's Speech to 1998 NATO Workshop, Vienna, Austria</TITLE>
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<BODY LINK="0000ff" BGPROPERTIES="FIXED" BGCOLOR="ffffff"><BASEFONT SIZE="3">
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="6" FACE="Palatino">Security
of Central Europe </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="4" FACE="Palatino">Foreign
Minister Bronislaw Geremek</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Central
Europe, especially in the context of NATO enlargement, has been the focus
of much international attention. Therefore, I would like to look at
Central European security, including ways to strengthen it and how it
contributes to the stability of Europe as a whole. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">To do this I
must ask the question “What is the position of Central Europe at the
threshold of the new millennium?” This question does not refer
to geography, but rather to geopolitics. The countries of the region
are physically located in the heart of Europe yet spiritually and
intellectually they have been part of the West. At the same time
most of them have been subordinate to the political East, with all that
such oppression entails. </FONT> </P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>POST-COLD
WAR TRANSFORMATIONS IN CENTRAL EUROPE</B> </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The end of
the Cold War erased the artificial divisions of the region, enabling the
return of Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, and some of the other
countries of the area to the West where they have always belonged. All
of these countries chose pro-Western development, orienting their public
life toward democracy, individual freedom, and a market economy. Those
choices, together with the ongoing process of European and Euro-Atlantic
integration, have altered Central Europe’s geopolitical label. Central
Europe no longer is an area where special standards should be applied, nor
the source of the risks that were assumed in the Alliance’s 1991
Strategic Concept, now under revision. Moreover, the populations and
political leaders in this part of Europe have shown new strength and
maturity throughout the post-Cold War changes that have taken place, and
have invested in democratic institutions and in foreign relations based on
a good-neighbor policy. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Without its
former geopolitical burden, Central Europe is now able to take on more
challenges, seize more opportunities, and realize more goals. We
have breached barriers and widened the zone of prosperity and stability,
which for years seemed beyond our countries’ reach. The success
of Central Europe is now serving as an example for other states that are
striving to complete internal reforms and grasp the hand of friendship and
cooperation being extended to them. </FONT> </P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>NATO’S
ROLE IN EUROPEAN SECURITY</B> </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">NATO has
been, and will continue to be, indispensable to European security and
stability. The Alliance—and the developmental model it embodies—not
only won the Cold War and made true the dream of freedom of two
generations of Eastern and Central Europeans, but has also, during the
last decade, played the key role in shaping European security. The
strength of the Alliance has proven to be instrumental in safeguarding the
effectiveness of decisions made by the international community, in
particular those concerning Bosnia-Herzegovina and, increasingly, those
regarding Kosovo. Through the North Atlantic Cooperation Council,
now the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council, and the Partnership for Peace
program, NATO has also built a stable and transparent relationship with
Russia, developed a distinctive partnership with Ukraine, reached out to
states in the Mediterranean area, and become the main engine for political
and military cooperation throughout the continent. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">If I were
asked to point out the region whose development NATO has influenced in an
especially visible and tangible way, without any hesitation I would choose
Central Europe. Countries of that region have managed to join the
success of their own reforms with the benefits of the Alliance’s
openness. I agree with the point that the prospect of NATO
enlargement alone—and, it should be said, of EU enlargement—has
done a lot for stability and security in our part of the Continent.
</FONT> </P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>FOCUSING
BEYOND MEMBERSHIP</B> </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The prospect
of reaching the goal of membership has provided a strong boost for
profound internal reforms in our region and for solving problems that
could cause destabilization over a wider area—just as the political
and social forces of the Solidarity movement that I represent were at the
root of positive developments in Poland. However, it must be said
that NATO and EU membership, though of historic and strategic importance
to my country, will not enable the achievement of all the objectives of
security and stability building. This is why Poland, at the
threshold of NATO membership and, to a large extent, EU membership, is not
only thinking about but also preparing for “the day after.”
The term “mission accomplished” is alien to us, because we
are well aware of the amount and scope of effort that remains to be made
in order to be politically, mentally, and materially compatible with other
members. Only after we have reached this goal will we be able—through
participation—to apply the benefits of being part of NATO and the EU
to the benefit of Poland, Central Europe, and the rest of the Continent,
and to take on our share of the burdens and responsibilities. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Since the
beginning of this decade, NATO membership has been the primary goal of
Polish security policy. Together with Hungary and the Czech
Republic, we eagerly anticipate signing the Accession Protocols and their
successful ratification. More than half of the Allies have already
ratified the Protocols; we look forward to hearing good news soon from the
remaining ones. We also hope that the entire accession process will
be behind us by NATO’s 50th anniversary. </FONT> </P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>New
Member Cooperation</B> </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Our three
countries have agreed to present their ratification documents and to join
the Alliance at the same time. But this is not the only issue on
which we are collaborating closely. We are also undertaking numerous
coordinated activities to better prepare ourselves for membership. But
the march toward NATO has not been the only factor stimulating our
cooperation. We all share the same values, history, and security
interests, and we also want to contribute to the security and stability of
Central and Eastern Europe. We are convinced that our close
political cooperation can serve this purpose. We intend to continue
working together after becoming members of the Alliance. </FONT> </P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>Central
European Cooperation</B> </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The
Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council and the enhanced PFP program have also
provided new frameworks for political and military cooperation in our part
of Europe, and have created opportunities for new initiatives to be
undertaken. One of the most recent and significant initiatives was
launched in April in Vienna. Ministers from Austria, Hungary,
Slovakia, Slovenia, and Romania signed the documents establishing the
program Central European Nations Cooperation in Peace Support (CENCOOP).
Based on the terms of Partnership for Peace, and guided by the
principles of the United Nations Charter and the Agenda for Peace, CENCOOP
gives its participants the opportunity to enhance their capabilities to
support international peacekeeping operations. Under its aegis,
members can exchange views and enhance cooperation in the fields of
training, logistics, and armed forces interoperability. The
organization is open to others who may wish to join in the future. </FONT>
</P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>KEEPING
THE DOOR OPEN</B> </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">I am
confident that in the year 1999, Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary
will become NATO members. As the Washington Summit approaches, we
remember all those who dared to think of a new Europe and had the courage
to take a further step toward it—not the least of which are those who
worked to open the Alliance to new membership. We also believe that
the open-door policy should remain in existence after spring ‘99.
NATO must remain open—as stated in Article 10 of the Washington
Treaty. That is the basic prerequisite for safeguarding the momentum
engendered by the post-Cold War transformations in Central and Eastern
Europe, and for extending democratic values further eastward. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">While all
the NATO nations, soon to be nineteen, must be consistent and have courage
in order to continue NATO’s great design, the three newly admitted
Central European states will take special responsibility for—as well
as interest in—strengthening the pro-European and pro-Euro-Atlantic
orientation of their neighbors. We will be certain to share our
experiences with them and, when possible, help to bring them closer to the
Alliance. We see this as a continuing task for Poland. </FONT> </P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>CONCLUDING
REMARKS</B> </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">As an
historian I believe in the truth that is conveyed to us through the
monuments and symbols of the past. Therefore I find of extreme
significance a 15th-century mural masterpiece now displayed in Strasbourg.
The anonymous painting depicts over a dozen men, some on horseback,
with the last horseman looking back at the walking figures as if calling
them to join the group. The men are all on a pilgrimage to the Holy
Cross. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Let us
imagine that each of the figures is a European nation, and that the last
horseman, who is calling to those who are a bit behind to catch up, is
Poland. What Poland is doing is exactly what we need to do with our
Euro-Atlantic partners. This is also what we all must do to make
Europe whole and free. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Like the
horseman, my country beckons to all, since Europe means more than the 15
current members of the European Union and the 16 current members of NATO,
and accepts the responsibilities shared by all its allies and partners.</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><A HREF="geremek98.htm">Go to Top of Page</A></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><A HREF="workshop98.htm">Return to Vienna '98</A></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><A HREF="../index.html">Return to Home Page</A></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT">Copyright © 1998 Center for Strategic Decision
Research</P>
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