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    <TITLE>U.S. Under Sec. of Def. Jacques S. Gansler's Address to 1998 NATO
    Workshop, Vienna, Austria</TITLE>
  </HEAD>
  
  <BODY LINK="0000ff" BGPROPERTIES="FIXED" BGCOLOR="ffffff"><BASEFONT SIZE="3">
    
    <P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="6" FACE="Palatino">Military
      and Industrial Cooperation in a Transformed, NATO-Wide Competitive Market</FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="4" FACE="Palatino">Under
      Secretary of Defense Jacques S. Gansler</FONT> </P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">We meet at
      this Workshop, on the eve of NATO&#146;s 50th anniversary, to determine
      how our Alliance will meet its mutual security obligations in an
      increasingly dangerous and unpredictable world. As we discuss the
      future of our expanding and evolving partnership, we must also consider
      the reality of our defense resources and precisely how the new reality
      will affect our commitment to future defense cooperation. We must
      determine what <I>changes</I>&#151;not only in our force structures, but
      also in our weapons and our procurement postures and defense industry
      structures&#151;are required to meet the <I>likely threats</I> of the
      early 21st century. We must also determine how we can produce <I>affordable</I>
      systems to meet our strategic objectives and how we can achieve the <I>synergism</I>
      required for a collective security arrangement such as NATO to succeed.
      </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">I would
      therefore like to outline what I see as the Alliance&#146;s future major
      acquisition and technology challenges and to provide some perspective on
      where I believe we are headed in the early 21st century. </FONT> </P>
    
    <P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>THE
      NEW DEFENSE SCENARIO</B> </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Today, we
      find ourselves in a world that is far removed from the Cold War era, when
      our defense strategy was based on a relatively predictable high-attrition,
      extended-duration Central European scenario&#151;one backed up by the
      threat of massive retaliation to any nuclear-armed ballistic missile
      attack. <I>Early 21st century warfare will be dramatically
      different</I>.<I> </I>The new environment calls for a radical change in
      the way we plan to fight. In the future, we will most likely be
      involved in more limited&#151;but almost always, coalition&#151;engagements.
      Such engagements will be fought with smaller, lighter, more mobile
      forces and equipment; with concentrated firepower precisely delivered from
      long range. Wars of attrition will be replaced by so-called
      reconnaissance/strike engagements. Information-based systems will
      enable continuous, all-weather awareness of battlefield situations, and
      precision strikes will direct massed <I>weapons</I> instead of massed
      <I>forces</I> against enemy targets. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">On the
      defense side, we will need to be able to counter the enemy&#146;s likely
      use of multiple delivery systems to direct not only conventional warheads
      but also chemical, biological, and even nuclear weapons against our forces
      and against civilian populations in our homelands. These weapons and
      acts of terrorism&#151;which may be combined with widespread use of
      information warfare against both our forces and our domestic
      infrastructure&#151;will become significant threats to our collective
      security in the early 21st century. While we would prefer a future
      that looks more like the past, and which therefore would require only
      minor adjustments in our overall security posture, this will not be the
      case. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Already, we
      face a world in which individual terrorists, transnational actors, and
      rogue nations can unleash firepower in ways as terrifying as that of a
      major global power. These terrorists are not disorganized bands of
      political zealots armed with pistols and hand grenades. Rather, they
      are well-organized forces armed with sophisticated, deadly weapons (often
      purchased on the world arms market), with access to advanced information
      and technology (often available commercially) and the skills to utilize
      them (or the ability to purchase the skills). They have few moral
      inhibitions about such weapons&#146; use. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">These
      hostile forces are unlikely to attempt to match our overwhelming
      superiority on a plane-for-plane, ship-for-ship, or tank-for-tank basis.
      Rather, they are more likely to use asymmetric strategies against us&#151;weapons
      of mass destruction, &#147;information warfare,&#148; urban warfare, and
      large numbers of low-cost cruise and ballistic missiles. They will
      use commercial navigation, communication, and imagery satellites; buy
      advanced weapons technology and skilled labor on the worldwide market; and
      project their destructive power anywhere and anytime&#151;including at our
      citizens at home. </FONT> </P>
    
    <P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>THE
      NEED FOR A WAR-FIGHTING &#147;REVOLUTION&#148;</B> </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">To combat
      such threats, we must achieve and maintain total information superiority&#151;not
      just on the battlefield, but before and wherever there is the potential
      for danger. One clear requirement is to incorporate <I>advanced
      information systems</I> into every weapon system we acquire. Information
      superiority is critical to our survival in an increasingly dangerous
      world. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Thus, the
      likely scenarios of future combat require nothing less than a revolution
      in our war-fighting capability: a revolution, in many ways, as fundamental
      and as sweeping as the introduction of gunpowder to the battlefield.
      Its basis is <I>information dominance</I> and <I>precision
      firepower</I>. Our Joint Chiefs of Staff made this clear in &#147;Joint
      Vision 2010,&#148; their 1997 statement on projected global defense
      requirements. This blueprint for coalition warfare has profound
      implications for the future of our mutual defense efforts as well as for
      our overall armaments requirements. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">To combat
      the new threats our nations will face in the early 21st century, a
      fundamental strategic and tactical restructuring&#151;a &#147;revolution
      in military affairs&#148;&#151;is now underway. But for this
      revolution to succeed, we must also dramatically restructure our way of
      doing business. Secretary Cohen has termed this a &#147;revolution
      in business affairs.&#148; It necessitates a much more responsive
      research, development, production, and support process&#151;one that
      adapts advanced technologies (both product and process) and modern
      management innovations (often originating in the commercial sector) to
      formerly defense-unique&#151;and frequently costly and non-responsive&#151;acquisition
      and support processes. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">There are a
      number of acquisition priorities that will be required to support the
      revolution in military affairs in the coming years. These are to:
      </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">1. Modernize
      our <I>current</I> weapons systems. Since they comprise the
      majority of systems we will have to depend on for the next two decades, we
      must update them to take advantage of the potential offered by the &#147;digital
      battlefield.&#148; </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">2. Develop
      and deploy major <I>new</I> systems and subsystems required for 21st
      century operations. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">3. <I>Support</I>
      all of these systems far more efficiently and effectively. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The
      challenge is to do all three at <I>low cost</I> and within <I>drastically
      reduced cycle times</I>. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">To meet the
      unpredictable, but increasingly likely, threats to our Alliance, we must
      have both <I>modernized</I> and <I>new</I> weapon systems and equipment
      <I>on hand</I> to conduct multiple, concurrent contingency operations in
      a much broader geographic area&#151;NATO&#146;s new area of interest and
      influence. We must also be able to provide our war fighters with the
      full protection of superior weapons and total information superiority in
      any environment&#151;but at much lower costs and reduced cycle times.
      This is an urgent need; yet many in the Alliance appear not to sense
      the urgency. </FONT> </P>
    
    <P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>SETTING
      A NEW COURSE</B> </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The dramatic&#151;and
      often troubling&#151;changes taking place in our world clearly require the
      Alliance to set a new course&#151;as to how we structure our forces, how
      we plan to fight, equipment we need to meet the new threats, and how we
      will transform our defense industrial base to support us in this effort.
      We must also change the focus of our partnership in order to bring
      about a new and even stronger era of security cooperation&#151;including
      far greater equipment interoperability for integrated operations in
      coalition conflicts. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">One way we
      are doing this is by working closely with our NATO Allies to insure that
      existing and future air and missile defense systems are complementary and
      can share information and communicate with each other. While
      developing a single, integrated air picture and joint operational defense
      capability for our coalition operations of the future, I am confident that
      we are up to it. But there is still far too much autonomy in the
      systems we produce. We still want to design every weapon as a
      stand-alone entity, and this of course increases costs. Far worse,
      it increases confusion on the battlefield and greatly reduces war-fighting
      effectiveness. Thus, we must develop and deploy systems built from
      the ground up with the ability to communicate and fight side by side in a
      joint battlefield environment. Promoting joint system development
      and achieving interoperability with our allies are critical requirements
      for likely coalition warfare scenarios in the early 21st century. We
      may speak a dozen different languages, but we must communicate with one
      voice in battle. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Further, we
      must work to remove barriers that prevent effective operation of
      competitive market forces. This will allow us to acquire equipment
      and systems that we need for future coalition warfare with an eye to price
      and performance, and not to protectionism. Cooperation in the
      geopolitical, military, and industrial arenas must be matched by
      efficiency and effectiveness in acquisition practices. Such a
      situation is being facilitated by the current efforts to remove
      inefficiencies within the North American and European defense industrial
      structures and&#151;most important&#151;to <I>improve transatlantic
      industrial ties</I>. These efforts will in turn create fair and open
      competition for the best possible goods and services while recognizing the
      political realities of providing countries a fair return on their
      investments. </FONT> </P>
    
    <P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>COOPERATION
      AND CONSOLIDATION</B> </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Accepting
      the fact that all of us throughout the Alliance face declining defense
      budgets, we recognize the need to apply our limited resources more
      efficiently and more effectively. Such work will require a
      fundamental cultural change within the United States as well as coalition
      governments. But it is a change we must make. European defense
      equipment costs, according to one recent study, are rising at an average
      rate of 10 percent each year (excluding the effects of inflation). That
      means they double every seven years. With fixed or declining defense
      budgets and rapidly escalating costs, it is becoming more and more
      impractical for individual nations to consider independent major weapon
      system development and/or production as a realistic option. And,
      since coalition warfare is the most likely scenario for the future, based
      on compelling <I>geopolitical, as well as military </I>arguments,
      cooperation in the development and production of defense systems is the
      only viable option. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Coalition
      warfare, and interoperability of equipment and systems, have important
      implications for each nation&#146;s defense industry as well as for its
      military establishment. It would appear that, in the future, nations
      will rarely be able to afford a unique, independent industrial capability.
      In an era of finite resources and declining national defense
      budgets, greater cooperation represents a tremendous opportunity for
      creating greater efficiency, increased interoperability, and much less
      duplication&#151;if, as I stated earlier, we can inspire the cultural
      change necessary to encourage cooperation and establish procurement
      practices that put the benefits of international market forces above
      autarchy. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">In the
      United States, we have seen widespread defense industry consolidation
      during the past few years. Ten years ago, there were more than 50
      independent defense firms as opposed to today&#146;s top five. This
      dramatic consolidation is the inevitable result of a dwindling defense
      procurement budget that has seen a 70% decrease during the past ten years
      and is only now turning around as we struggle to commit resources to
      modernization. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">There are
      certainly similar opportunities for consolidation among our NATO partners,
      and some are already being taken advantage of. Consolidation will
      certainly increase European firms&#146; competitiveness and capacity for
      independent action. We encourage caution on this road, however,
      because we are increasingly concerned about the potential for exclusivity
      (on both sides of the Atlantic), which could result in counterproductive
      transatlantic competition sometimes characterized as &#147;Fortress
      America versus Fortress Europe.&#148; </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">We
      recognize, however, that with static or declining defense procurement
      budgets, consolidation can be beneficial. We also know that
      consolidation has its limits. While we believe that there are still
      opportunities for consolidation in our domestic defense industry&#151;especially
      in the lower tiers&#151;we are concerned that, in some instances, we may
      consolidate to the point where we no longer have an effective, <I>competitive</I>
      marketplace. This fear applies to both horizontal and vertical
      integration within a specific sector. But opening markets to <I>international</I>
      competitive teams can assure continued competition in the face of
      consolidation. We firmly believe that, without competition, there is
      less innovation, and little incentive for adopting the efficiencies that
      result in downward pressure on prices and cycle times. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">We
      understand, of course, that many weapons programs will remain regional.
      On the other hand, cooperation must be the choice for those systems
      that require interoperability in coalition conflicts&#151;for example, in
      areas such as air defense, communications, intelligence,
      chemical/biological defense, and information security. While our
      threat assessments may differ, we must implement programs efficiently and
      effectively where we do agree and where opportunities for cooperation do
      exist. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">To achieve
      success, we must work toward cooperative international defense programs
      that apply the lessons learned from successful international commercial
      alliances. Essentially, <I>we must adopt a new international
      armaments cooperation model</I>, one in which <I>governments</I>
      establish the military requirements and business rules but <I>industries</I>
      choose the best international teams to bid competitively on the work.
      Such an arrangement will forge a more balanced partnership, one that
      guarantees each individual member&#146;s independence while recognizing
      the Alliance&#146;s interdependence. It will also take full
      advantage of the efficiencies and effectiveness of competitive market
      forces. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">We can learn
      many valuable lessons from commercial industry structures that are
      operating in the increasingly global economy. Parochial institutions
      and practices have been swept aside as these world-class industries have
      taken on more international structure and market perspective. Many
      global strategic alliances are being formed and successfully implemented.
      Industrial consolidations and excess capacity reductions are now
      taking place, along with significant privatization of public sector
      industrial activities. There is also the potential for significant
      reduction in vertical integration, consistent with the concept of
      worldwide sourcing to the &#147;best in class.&#148; Additionally
      there is widespread integration of engineering and manufacturing to
      achieve high performance at lower cost and with greatly reduced cycle
      times. </FONT> </P>
    
    <P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>INCREASING
      CIVILIAN/MILITARY INDUSTRIAL INTEGRATION</B> </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Perhaps most
      essential for the transformation of our defense acquisition practices and
      industrial structures is the need to bring about far <I>greater
      civilian/military industrial integration</I>. In the United States,
      we are building a greatly expanded partnership with a revived and
      prospering commercial industry through what we refer to as &#147;acquisition
      reform.&#148; In many respects, the advanced technology and
      production and support processes we need to meet our defense needs can be
      better satisfied by commercial capability. This is especially true
      in the information systems arena, where the best world-class companies are
      way ahead of us in many essential technologies. We must expand our
      supplier base to include these firms. At the same time, we must
      encourage our traditional suppliers to also address the commercial
      markets. Both of these actions require significant &#147;cultural
      change&#148; in government procurement practices and in industrial
      business practices. Today, we see a commercial industry that is
      becoming global in its reach and forming partnerships with other
      world-class companies to cut costs, increase efficiency, and provide
      better performance. This natural trend toward globalization must be
      accommodated by greater civil/military industrial integration on an
      international scale. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">To produce
      lower-cost, higher-performance defense equipment, we must remove the
      existing significant barriers to expanded civil/military industrial
      integration. We must also move away from the old military/industrial
      axis of defense suppliers creating defense-unique products based
      exclusively on defense-produced technology. We must seek a new
      civil/military partnership, not one in which we become simply purchasers
      of commercial products and processes, but a dynamic and vigorous
      engagement that, through R&amp;D, creates advanced products and systems
      with common technological bases. Through flexible manufacturing,
      this new partnership would allow us to produce low-volume, defense-unique
      items on the same lines with high-volume commercial items. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">In the
      United States, civil/military defense industrial integration is one of our
      top acquisition priorities, an important part of an expanding
      acquisition-reform effort that has already saved billions of dollars.
      We are continuing and accelerating that effort. We are working
      to reduce infrastructure and support costs that are now more than 60
      percent of our overall defense budget. And we have initiated a major
      effort to <I>reengineer our logistics system</I>, replacing excessive
      inventory and infrastructure with advanced information technology and
      rapid transportation. Our current logistics system&#151;based on a
      1950s model&#151;does not provide the level of support, speed of delivery,
      and economy of operation required for the early 21st century. If we
      are to do the job right, and at lower costs, we must reduce our logistics
      support costs and trim inventory and maintenance costs. World-class
      commercial firms have shown the enormous changes that are possible&#151;in
      support performance improvements and cost, personnel, and inventory
      reductions. We must pursue these opportunities aggressively. They
      will free up a large number of dollars and people that we can shift from
      support and infrastructure to combat and modernization. </FONT> </P>
    
    <P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>DEFENSE
      DEPARTMENT REFORM</B> </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">In November
      1997, Secretary Cohen announced sweeping reforms in the way the Defense
      Department will do business in the future. This effort, known as the
      Defense Reform Initiative, radically restructures&#151;or eliminates&#151;many
      functions within the Department in order to cut costs, improve
      performance, and, most important, allow us to concentrate on those core
      functions that are truly governmental: combat, policy, management, and
      oversight. All other functions we will send out for <I>competitive
      bids </I>and thus gain the performance and cost benefits of market forces.
      </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The Defense
      Reform Initiative not only includes a 30 percent reduction in the Office
      of the Secretary of Defense, but also significant restructurings. Three
      of these, I believe, are critical to the future direction of our Alliance.
      First, we have initiated a major reorganization of the Department&#146;s
      command, control, communications, and intelligence functions&#151;C<SUP>3</SUP>I.
      The reorganization, which recognizes the increased importance we
      place on current and future defense information, surveillance, and
      intelligence issues, gives the Assistant Secretary of Defense for C<SUP>3</SUP>I
      a significantly broader portfolio encompassing such critical areas as
      information assurance, infrastructure protection, and spectrum allocation
      efforts. It also closely links the Assistant Secretary to our
      weapons acquisition efforts to assure &#147;sensor to shooter&#148;
      real-time capability on the modern, widely dispersed battlefield. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The second
      restructuring effort, the new <I>Defense Threat Reduction Agency</I>,
      will improve our focus on the complex new challenges raised by the threat
      of weapons of mass destruction. This agency consolidates three
      existing agencies&#151;the On-Site Inspection Agency, the Defense Special
      Weapons Agency, and the Defense Technology Security Administration&#151;and
      will be responsible for managing activities pertaining to
      counterproliferation, the Cooperative Threat Reduction Program, and
      compliance with arms-control treaties. The new agency will provide
      expertise on weapons of mass destruction and assure that research
      activities are carried out relative to our efforts to reduce
      proliferation. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The third
      change, which is of particular importance to our allies, will meld two
      existing agencies, the Defense Security Assistance Agency and our
      International Armaments Cooperation Office, into a new agency, the <I>Defense
      Security Cooperation Agency</I>. This new agency will direct our
      international cooperative efforts, shifting our emphasis in armaments
      programs from security assistance to security cooperation. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">As we make
      the many radical changes in our war-fighting capabilities, we intend to do
      it in a way that is compatible with, and provides benefits to, our overall
      collective security. As part of this effort, I recently asked our
      Defense Science Board to create a year-long task force to consider the
      potential impacts of the &#147;revolution in military affairs&#148; on
      coalition warfare. The study will evaluate such issues as how best
      to use the benefits of the &#147;revolution&#148; for our coalition&#146;s
      war-fighting capabilities; achieving the required levels of
      interoperability and technological advance within our Alliance
      partnerships; exploring ways to foster and maintain mutual trust; and
      weighing the effect of the &#147;revolution&#148; on our collective
      tactics and training. </FONT> </P>
    
    <P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>CONCLUDING
      REMARKS</B> </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Our NATO
      partnership is a key element in both our &#147;revolution in military
      affairs&#148; and our &#147;revolution in business affairs.&#148; Both
      of these dramatic changes are required in order to meet the changing
      military and budgetary environments. We are committed to achieving
      these changes in cooperation with our allies. But as our Alliance
      evolves to meet the new and uncertain threats of the early 21st century,
      we must all work together to harness our tremendous combat force
      superiority and war-fighting capacity. This work will enable us to
      create <I>affordable</I> and<I> rapidly </I><I>deployable</I> defense
      systems that match our future security requirements and our limited
      resources. That combination of coalition capability and
      affordability is the challenge before us. </FONT></P>
    
    <P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">We are
      confident that the NATO Alliance will maintain its vast military
      superiority during the next 50 years. To do so, however, it must
      continue to adapt to the rapidly changing security and technology
      environments. This is not an easy task. It will not be
      achieved overnight. And there will be significant hurdles along the
      way. But if I have any concern, it is only that we&#151;collectively&#151;will
      not recognize the <I>urgency of beginning now</I> to make the needed
      changes. </FONT></P>
    
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