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<TITLE>Luxembourg Defense Minister Alex Bodry's Address to 1998 NATO Workshop, Vienna, Austria</TITLE>
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NATO Enlargement, Luxembourg Defense Minister Alex Bodry, SACEUR, Supreme Allied Commander Europe General Wesley Clark, Dr. Roger Weissinger-Baylon, Atlantic Alliance, North Atlantic Alliance, New NATO, Integration with NATO, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Milosevic, Bosnia, Kosovo,
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<BODY LINK="0000ff" BGPROPERTIES="FIXED" BGCOLOR="ffffff"><BASEFONT SIZE="3">
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="6" FACE="Palatino">The Multi-dimensional Nature of Security, the European Union, and Trans-Atlantic Solidarity </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="4" FACE="Palatino">Minister
of Defense of Luxembourg Alex Bodry</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"> It is
particularly significant to me that the Xvth NATO Workshop was held in the
Hofburg Palace of Vienna since many decisions that were made in this very
palace had a major effect on Luxembourg. But some 50 years ago,
Luxembourg dismissed the unarmed neutrality that had been imposed on us by
the then-Superpowers (including Austria) at the London Conference of 1867.
We did this after two world wars and the ensuing invasions of my
country proved that the security guarantees offered by the London
signatory powers were worthless because they were never implemented.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">In 1948,
Luxembourg became a founding, active member of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization. Since then, we have lived in peace, no longer part of
almost all the wars that have been waged in our region throughout history.
We also were a founding member of both the Western European Union
and the Council of Europe. And I do not need to remind anyone of the
active role Luxembourg has taken in the development of the European
institutions from which the European Union stemmed, as well as the OSCE,
to which our continent owes so much in the fields of cooperation and
security. All of these organizations, no matter their geopolitical
configurations and formats, remain complementary and continue to reinforce
their mutual objectives. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">All of the
major decision makers in my country believe in the work of these great
organizations. They also agree on two other points, which are part
of Luxembourg’s foreign and defense policy: </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">1. Almost
a decade after the irreversible geopolitical changes occurred on the
European continent, beginning in 1989, security is no longer just a
military issue. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">2. There
should be no antagonism between the need for a European Defense Identity
and the need for substantial consolidation and deepening of Euro-Atlantic
solidarity. Both objectives can and must be complementary and
pursued through common effort. </FONT> </P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>SECURITY
AS A MULTI-DIMENSIONAL ISSUE</B> </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">At the turn
of the millennium, security has many faces, not simply a military one.
This stems from the major changes that have taken place since 1989
and from the new types of threats that now challenge us. The risk of
all-out nuclear war on our continent is no longer a probability. Instead
we face a new generation of risks and must explore new answers to them.
However, we still must remain prepared and able to address a broad
nuclear threat. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">In
discussing the new risks, I would like to paraphrase President Václav
Havel, who spoke with words of both hope and caution. Referring to
the events of 1989 he said, while everything is now possible, nothing is
now certain. However, most national and international security
organizations, including NATO, the OSCE, the EU, and the WEU, believe that
most of the new generation of risks stem directly or indirectly from the
lack of discipline that has resulted from the breakup of the Soviet bloc.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The pressure
that the Communist bloc exerted within its geopolitical limits imposed
long-lasting cohesiveness and stability in our area. While the
Communists were hateful and adhered to principles and values we did not
share, their upheaval caused great disruption as well as serious,
widespread consequences. Some of these consequences are part and
parcel of the new risks of which we speak. </FONT> </P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>NATIONALISM
AND OTHER NEW THREATS</B> </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">One of these
grave consequences is what Roger Morin calls “le nationalisme total,”
or “total nationalism,” which must be seen as the major threat
to stability and thus security in Europe. Such post-Soviet
nationalism is founded on an explosive mix of: </FONT></P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Extremist versions of
history and religion as a basis for nation building; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Hatred toward
differing ethnic groups; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Hatred toward
minorities living in neighboring states; and above all, </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Territorial claims and
the rejection of modern national borders. </FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The local
and regional instabilities and conflicts that result from these threats
must be a main concern of our contemporary security thinking. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">In addition,
we must keep in mind the hegemonal ambitions of some regional powers at
the borders of Europe, particularly to the south, and their potential
effects on European security. We must remember that: </FONT></P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">There are natural
energy resources in that region that are indispensable to Western
economies; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The transit routes for
these resources must remain open; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The region poses a
threat regarding the use of conventional weapons as well as weapons of
mass destruction; and </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The area faces
tremendous migration pressures, which are a potential cause for
destabilization. Indeed, the demographic explosion on the southern
side of the Mediterranean Sea goes hand in hand with impoverishment,
which is at great odds with the tremendous economic and technological
growth on the European side. </FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">But security
and stability are deeply interconnected and are no longer exclusively
military or regional issues. Other factors are involved, including:
</FONT></P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The proliferation of
conventional weapons or weapons of mass destruction; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">International
terrorism; (often state led or assisted); </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">International drugs
and arms trafficking capable of upsetting entire economies; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The so-called soft
risks, such as environmental issues, including water pollution and
nuclear wastes; and high-technology contingencies, which could affect
our global warning and communication systems; and </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Social discontent,
especially if paired with cultural and/or religious minority resentment,
which could well lead to the destabilization of a country or region.
</FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>WORKING
TOGETHER FOR EUROPEAN SECURITY AND EURO-ATLANTIC SOLIDARITY</B> </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">All of these
potential security risks must, at least at first, be dealt with
politically, perhaps with trade or other economic sanctions. And it
is here that my second point—that there must be no antagonism between
those working to establish a European Security and Defense Identity and
those working to deepen Euro-Atlantic solidarity—comes into play.
We must take advantage of all the institutions and organizations
that the international community has at its disposal, including the United
Nations and its financial instruments and regional organizations, the
OSCE, and of course, the European Union. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">I do not
need to underline the major role the European Union and its member-states
play in maintaining stability on our continent and in neighboring regions.
This role has three parts: political, economic, and humanitarian.
In the economic and humanitarian arenas, I applaud the Union’s
work in the Former Yugoslavia, in Albania, and during the Middle East
peace process. I would also like to mention the large amount of
European funds going to the new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe
to help them consolidate their market-oriented economies as well as their
“good governance” structures, and to help them prepare for
future membership in the European Union. But the Union’s
assistance in creating economic and democratic stability reaches well
beyond the countries that are immediate candidates for EU membership.
For example, the Union has concluded partnership and cooperation
agreements with all the newly independent states, including Russia and
Ukraine, in a vast effort to promote and financially support democratic
institutions and economic reforms on the macro-economic as well as on the
structural level. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">These
efforts fit firmly into the comprehensive security concept the Union has
developed. This concept explicitly includes political and economic
as well as military aspects, and strives to meet the objectives of the
Common European Foreign and Security Policy as noted at the Brussels
Summit of 1993: “The aim of the Common Security Policy is to reduce
the risks and uncertainties which might undermine the territorial
integrity and political independence of the Union and its member-states,
its democratic nature, its economic stability, as well as the stability of
its neighboring regions.” To this we add the goals of: </FONT></P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Risk prevention;
</FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Crisis management;
</FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Strengthening of
interstate relations; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Cooperation; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Peaceful
problem-solving and international arbitration; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Reduction of economic
and social inequalities, particularly through such Commission programs
as TACTS and PHARE; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Political solidarity
among EU member-states; and </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">Maintaining the
political solidarity of its member states as well as the independence
and integrity of the Union. </FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>EUROPEAN
UNION PROGRESS</B> </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">With the
implementation of the Amsterdam Treaty, the EU is now becoming more
politically adept and gaining speed and credibility. We are: </FONT></P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><I>Clearly growing in
our defense capabilities.</I> Heads of state and government are
working to define general guidelines for working with the Western
European Union. </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><I>Through the
Western European Union, gaining access to an operational capability
focusing on humanitarian and rescue tasks, peacekeeping tasks, and
crisis management tasks.</I> These are the so-called Petersberg
Tasks in which the entire WEU family is invited to participate. The
Union will also avail itself of the WEU to implement EU decisions that
have defense implications. </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><I>Able to access the
Policy Planning and Early Warning Unit, which will work with the
European Commission to ensure full compliance with Union external
economic and development policies; provide CFSP monitoring, analysis,
and assessment of potential or emerging political crises; and produce
policy and strategy papers for the Council.</I> The Unit will be
placed under the authority of the High Representative for the CFSP, and
its personnel will come from member-states, the Secretariat of the
Council, the Commission, and the WEU. </FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">The
Amsterdam Treaty also supports our belief—and that of all European
countries—that European security must continue to rest primarily on
Euro-Atlantic solidarity. The Treaty enables closer cooperation
among member-states within the framework of the Atlantic Alliance. The
WEU Declaration annexed to the Treaty also clearly states that the
security and defense policy of the Union shall respect the obligations of
certain member-states that see their common defense realized in the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization, and be compatible with the common security
and defense policy established within NATO. I would also like to
point out that the Treaty’s references to defense do not mean
collective defense, but only the so-called Petersberg Tasks. Additionally
the WEU Declaration states that the Alliance remains the basis of
collective defense and the main venue for security consultations and
agreements. I believe that the WEU will be an essential element in
the development of the European Security and Defense Identity within the
Alliance and will function as a bridge between the Union and the Alliance.
</FONT> </P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"><B>MAINTAINING
THE TRANSATLANTIC LINK</B> </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">We all
remember that at the Berlin Summit it was decided that the WEU could turn
eventually to NATO for Allied assets needed for European-led security
missions. Thus, one can say that the military and institutional
frameworks are set for continuing the transatlantic link and deepening
Euro-Atlantic solidarity—objectives that must remain through NATO’s
internal and external adaptation and the possible updating of the Alliance’s
Strategic Concept. The Partnership for Peace program, the EAPC, the
NATO-Russia Founding Act, and the NATO-Ukraine Charter will also continue
to complement and add welcome dimension to the transatlantic link. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">A “changing
of the millennium” challenge to the new Europe and the new NATO will
be to continue the progress we have made toward achieving our goals.
To that end, the discussions we hold during this Workshop can be
essential building blocks of Euro-Atlantic dialogue as described by German
“Bundespresident” Roman Herzog in the February 1998 issue of
<I>Internationale Politik:</I> </FONT></P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">A partnership in the
perception of political changes and their consequences; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">A partnership in a
strategic vision; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">A partnership in
pragmatic implementations; and </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">A partnership in
assuming and upholding common values. </FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">NATO has
opened itself to new members; so has the EU. Certain links exist
between those two processes, and they must go on. Perhaps the
Alliance will find some inspiration in the EU’s approach to its
future enlargement. However, consensus among member-states must
remain at the center of NATO’s decision-making process as long as
collective defense remains a core function. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="000000" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">On the
threshold of the 21st century, there remains an enormous need for a common
European foreign and security policy and for Euro-Atlantic cooperation.
Let us keep this need at the forefront as we prepare for the
responsibilities of the new millennium.</FONT></P>
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