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<title>Center for Strategic Decision Research, Peter Struck, Michele Alliot-Marie, General George Joulwan, SACEUR, General James L. Jones, SHAPE, NATO, EU, BDLI, ILA, EADS, Northrop Grumman, Under Secretary Michael Wynne, Assistant Secretary Linton Wells, Ambassador William Burns, NATO Military Committee Chairman General Harald Kujat, General Dynamics, Boeing, Global Security Terrorism, Iraq, Afghanistan, Rainer Hertrich, David Stafford</title>
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<td width="66" height="68"><p><img src="../2004book/logo-kevin-web.jpg" width="60" height="66"></p> </td>
<td width="618"><div align="center"><span class="style5">15th International Workshop on Global Security - Vienna, 19-23 June 1998<br>
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<p align="center" class="style17"><strong>Table of Contents:</strong></p>
<p align="left" class="style17"><strong><span class="style18"><a href="/98Book/fasslabend.htm">Austrian Defense Minister Werner Fasslabend </a></span></strong><a href="/98Book/weissingerbaylon.htm">Workshop Chairman Roger Weissinger-Baylon </a></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Part 1</strong></p>
<p align="left" class="style18"><span class="style217"><strong></strong></span><span class="style217"><a href="/98Book/kwasniewski.htm">Polish President Aleksander Kwasniewski </a><a href="/98Book/klestil.htm">Austrian President Thomas Klestil</a></span><span class="style217"><a href="/98Book/meri.htm">Estonian President Lennart Meri </a><a href="/98Book/adamkus.htm">Lithuanian President Valdas Adamkus </a></span><span class="style217"><a href="/98Book/constantinescu.htm">Romanian President Emil Constantinescu </a></span><span class="style217"><a href="/98Book/drnovsek.htm">Slovenian Prime Minister Janez Drnovsek </a><a href="/98Book/nano.htm">Albanian Prime Minister Fatos Nano </a></span></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Part 2</strong></p>
<p align="left" class="style18"><span class="style217"><a href="/98Book/solana.htm">NATO Secretary General Javier Solana </a><span class="style222"><a href="/98Book/clark.htm">SACEUR Gen Wesley Clark </a></span></span><span class="style217"><span class="style222"><a href="/98Book/cheshire.htm">CINC AFNORTHWEST Air Chief Marshal John Cheshire </a><a href="/98Book/spiering.htm">CINC AFCENT Gen Joachim Spiering </a></span></span></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Part 3</strong></p>
<p align="left" class="style18"><span class="style219"><a href="/98Book/robertson.htm">UK Secretary of State for Defense George Robertson</a><a href="/98Book/cutileiro.htm">WEU Secretary General Jose Cutileiro</a></span><span class="style219"><a href="/98Book/schussel.htm">Austrian Foreign Minister Wolfgang Schussel</a><a href="/98Book/bodry.htm">Luxembourgan Defense Minister Alex Bodry </a><a href="/98Book/fjaervoll.htm">Norwegian Defense Minister Dag Jostein Fjaervoll</a></span></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Part 4</strong></p>
<p class="style18"><span class="style219"><a href="/98Book/tarasyuk.htm">Ukranian Foreign Minister Borys Tarasyuk </a><a href="/98Book/geremek.htm">Polish Foreign Minister Bronislaw Geremek </a><a href="/98Book/novotny.htm">Czech Dep Defense Minister Jaromir Novotny </a></span></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Part 5</strong></p>
<p class="style18"><span class="style209"><span class="style197"><a href="/98Book/veigasimao.htm">Portuguese Defense Minister Jose Veiga Simao </a></span><span #invalid_attr_id="10px 0px 0px 10px"><span class="style197"><a href="/98Book/tsohatzopoulos.htm">Greek Defense Minister Apostolos Tsohatzopoulos </a></span></span></span><span class="style219"><a href="/98Book/mihailova.htm">Bulgarian Foreign Minister Nadezha Mihailova</a></span><span class="style219"><a href="/98Book/babiuc.htm">Romanian Defense Minister Victor Babiuc</a></span></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Part 6</strong></p>
<p class="style18"><span class="style219"><a href="/98Book/gansler.htm">US Under Secretary of Defense Jacques Gansler </a><a href="/98Book/weston.htm">British Aerospace Chief Executive John Weston </a></span><span class="style219"><a href="/98Book/piller.htm">Daimler-Benz Aerospace Board Member Wolfgang Piller</a></span><span class="style219"><a href="/98Book/sears.htm">Boeing President Michael Sears </a></span><span class="style219"><a href="/98Book/josefsson.htm">Celsius Chief Executive Lars Josefsson</a></span></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Part 7</strong></p>
<p class="style18"><span class="style219"><a href="/98Book/naumann.htm">NATO Military Committee Chair Gen Klaus Naumann </a></span><span class="style219"><a href="/98Book/voorhoeve.htm">Dutch Defense Minister Joris Voorhoeve </a><a href="/98Book/lyles.htm">US BMDO Director Lt Gen Lester Lyles </a> <a href="/98Book/portillo.htm">UK Fmr Secretary of State for Defense Michael Portillo </a><a href="/98Book/hamre.htm">US Dep Secretary of Defense John Hamre </a></span> </p>
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<h1 ALIGN="CENTER" class="style8 style8 style24 style24 style26">The Multi-dimensional Nature of Security, the European Union, and Trans-Atlantic Solidarity</h1>
<P ALIGN="CENTER" class="style8 style27">His Excellency Alex Bodry<br>
Minister of Defense of Luxembourg</P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000"> It is particularly significant to me that the XVth NATO Workshop was held in the Hofburg Palace of Vienna since many decisions that were made in this very palace had a major effect on Luxembourg. But some 50 years ago, Luxembourg dismissed the unarmed neutrality that had been imposed on us by the then-Superpowers (including Austria) at the London Conference of 1867. We did this after two world wars and the ensuing invasions of my country proved that the security guarantees offered by the London signatory powers were worthless because they were never implemented. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">In 1948, Luxembourg became a founding, active member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Since then, we have lived in peace, no longer part of almost all the wars that have been waged in our region throughout history. We also were a founding member of both the Western European Union and the Council of Europe. And I do not need to remind anyone of the active role Luxembourg has taken in the development of the European institutions from which the European Union stemmed, as well as the OSCE, to which our continent owes so much in the fields of cooperation and security. All of these organizations, no matter their geopolitical configurations and formats, remain complementary and continue to reinforce their mutual objectives. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">All of the major decision makers in my country believe in the work of these great organizations. They also agree on two other points, which are part of Luxembourg’s foreign and defense policy: </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">1. Almost a decade after the irreversible geopolitical changes occurred on the European continent, beginning in 1989, security is no longer just a military issue. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">2. There should be no antagonism between the need for a European Defense Identity and the need for substantial consolidation and deepening of Euro-Atlantic solidarity. Both objectives can and must be complementary and pursued through common effort. </FONT> </P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER" class="style8 style27"><B>SECURITY AS A MULTI-DIMENSIONAL ISSUE</B></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">At the turn of the millennium, security has many faces, not simply a military one. This stems from the major changes that have taken place since 1989 and from the new types of threats that now challenge us. The risk of all-out nuclear war on our continent is no longer a probability. Instead we face a new generation of risks and must explore new answers to them. However, we still must remain prepared and able to address a broad nuclear threat. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">In discussing the new risks, I would like to paraphrase President Václav Havel, who spoke with words of both hope and caution. Referring to the events of 1989 he said, while everything is now possible, nothing is now certain. However, most national and international security organizations, including NATO, the OSCE, the EU, and the WEU, believe that most of the new generation of risks stem directly or indirectly from the lack of discipline that has resulted from the breakup of the Soviet bloc. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">The pressure that the Communist bloc exerted within its geopolitical limits imposed long-lasting cohesiveness and stability in our area. While the Communists were hateful and adhered to principles and values we did not share, their upheaval caused great disruption as well as serious, widespread consequences. Some of these consequences are part and parcel of the new risks of which we speak. </FONT> </P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER" class="style8 style27"><B>NATIONALISM AND OTHER NEW THREATS</B></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">One of these grave consequences is what Roger Morin calls “le nationalisme total,” or “total nationalism,” which must be seen as the major threat to stability and thus security in Europe. Such post-Soviet nationalism is founded on an explosive mix of: </FONT></P>
<UL class="style8 style8 style24 style24">
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">Extremist versions of history and religion as a basis for nation building; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">Hatred toward differing ethnic groups; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">Hatred toward minorities living in neighboring states; and above all, </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">Territorial claims and the rejection of modern national borders. </FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">The local and regional instabilities and conflicts that result from these threats must be a main concern of our contemporary security thinking. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">In addition, we must keep in mind the hegemonal ambitions of some regional powers at the borders of Europe, particularly to the south, and their potential effects on European security. We must remember that: </FONT></P>
<UL class="style8 style8 style24 style24">
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">There are natural energy resources in that region that are indispensable to Western economies; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">The transit routes for these resources must remain open; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">The region poses a threat regarding the use of conventional weapons as well as weapons of mass destruction; and </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">The area faces tremendous migration pressures, which are a potential cause for destabilization. Indeed, the demographic explosion on the southern side of the Mediterranean Sea goes hand in hand with impoverishment, which is at great odds with the tremendous economic and technological growth on the European side. </FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">But security and stability are deeply interconnected and are no longer exclusively military or regional issues. Other factors are involved, including: </FONT></P>
<UL class="style8 style8 style24 style24">
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">The proliferation of conventional weapons or weapons of mass destruction; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">International terrorism; (often state led or assisted); </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">International drugs and arms trafficking capable of upsetting entire economies; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">The so-called soft risks, such as environmental issues, including water pollution and nuclear wastes; and high-technology contingencies, which could affect our global warning and communication systems; and </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">Social discontent, especially if paired with cultural and/or religious minority resentment, which could well lead to the destabilization of a country or region. </FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P ALIGN="CENTER" class="style8 style27"><B>WORKING TOGETHER FOR EUROPEAN SECURITY AND EURO-ATLANTIC SOLIDARITY</B></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">All of these potential security risks must, at least at first, be dealt with politically, perhaps with trade or other economic sanctions. And it is here that my second point—that there must be no antagonism between those working to establish a European Security and Defense Identity and those working to deepen Euro-Atlantic solidarity—comes into play. We must take advantage of all the institutions and organizations that the international community has at its disposal, including the United Nations and its financial instruments and regional organizations, the OSCE, and of course, the European Union. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">I do not need to underline the major role the European Union and its member-states play in maintaining stability on our continent and in neighboring regions. This role has three parts: political, economic, and humanitarian. In the economic and humanitarian arenas, I applaud the Union’s work in the Former Yugoslavia, in Albania, and during the Middle East peace process. I would also like to mention the large amount of European funds going to the new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe to help them consolidate their market-oriented economies as well as their “good governance” structures, and to help them prepare for future membership in the European Union. But the Union’s assistance in creating economic and democratic stability reaches well beyond the countries that are immediate candidates for EU membership. For example, the Union has concluded partnership and cooperation agreements with all the newly independent states, including Russia and Ukraine, in a vast effort to promote and financially support democratic institutions and economic reforms on the macro-economic as well as on the structural level. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">These efforts fit firmly into the comprehensive security concept the Union has developed. This concept explicitly includes political and economic as well as military aspects, and strives to meet the objectives of the Common European Foreign and Security Policy as noted at the Brussels Summit of 1993: “The aim of the Common Security Policy is to reduce the risks and uncertainties which might undermine the territorial integrity and political independence of the Union and its member-states, its democratic nature, its economic stability, as well as the stability of its neighboring regions.” To this we add the goals of: </FONT></P>
<UL class="style8 style8 style24 style24">
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">Risk prevention; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">Crisis management; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">Strengthening of interstate relations; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">Cooperation; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">Peaceful problem-solving and international arbitration; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">Reduction of economic and social inequalities, particularly through such Commission programs as TACTS and PHARE; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">Political solidarity among EU member-states; and </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">Maintaining the political solidarity of its member states as well as the independence and integrity of the Union. </FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P ALIGN="CENTER" class="style8 style27"><B>EUROPEAN UNION PROGRESS</B></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">With the implementation of the Amsterdam Treaty, the EU is now becoming more politically adept and gaining speed and credibility. We are: </FONT></P>
<UL class="style8 style8 style24 style24">
<LI><span class="style28">Clearly growing in our defense capabilities.</span><FONT COLOR="000000"> Heads of state and government are working to define general guidelines for working with the Western European Union. </FONT></LI>
<LI><span class="style28">Through the Western European Union, gaining access to an operational capability focusing on humanitarian and rescue tasks, peacekeeping tasks, and crisis management tasks.</span><FONT COLOR="000000"> These are the so-called Petersberg Tasks in which the entire WEU family is invited to participate. The Union will also avail itself of the WEU to implement EU decisions that have defense implications. </FONT></LI>
<LI><span class="style28">Able to access the Policy Planning and Early Warning Unit, which will work with the European Commission to ensure full compliance with Union external economic and development policies; provide CFSP monitoring, analysis, and assessment of potential or emerging political crises; and produce policy and strategy papers for the Council.</span><FONT COLOR="000000"> The Unit will be placed under the authority of the High Representative for the CFSP, and its personnel will come from member-states, the Secretariat of the Council, the Commission, and the WEU. </FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">The Amsterdam Treaty also supports our belief—and that of all European countries—that European security must continue to rest primarily on Euro-Atlantic solidarity. The Treaty enables closer cooperation among member-states within the framework of the Atlantic Alliance. The WEU Declaration annexed to the Treaty also clearly states that the security and defense policy of the Union shall respect the obligations of certain member-states that see their common defense realized in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and be compatible with the common security and defense policy established within NATO. I would also like to point out that the Treaty’s references to defense do not mean collective defense, but only the so-called Petersberg Tasks. Additionally the WEU Declaration states that the Alliance remains the basis of collective defense and the main venue for security consultations and agreements. I believe that the WEU will be an essential element in the development of the European Security and Defense Identity within the Alliance and will function as a bridge between the Union and the Alliance. </FONT> </P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER" class="style8 style27"><B>MAINTAINING THE TRANSATLANTIC LINK</B></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">We all remember that at the Berlin Summit it was decided that the WEU could turn eventually to NATO for Allied assets needed for European-led security missions. Thus, one can say that the military and institutional frameworks are set for continuing the transatlantic link and deepening Euro-Atlantic solidarity—objectives that must remain through NATO’s internal and external adaptation and the possible updating of the Alliance’s Strategic Concept. The Partnership for Peace program, the EAPC, the NATO-Russia Founding Act, and the NATO-Ukraine Charter will also continue to complement and add welcome dimension to the transatlantic link. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">A “changing of the millennium” challenge to the new Europe and the new NATO will be to continue the progress we have made toward achieving our goals. To that end, the discussions we hold during this Workshop can be essential building blocks of Euro-Atlantic dialogue as described by German “Bundespresident” Roman Herzog in the February 1998 issue of <I>Internationale Politik:</I> </FONT></P>
<UL class="style8 style8 style24 style24">
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">A partnership in the perception of political changes and their consequences; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">A partnership in a strategic vision; </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">A partnership in pragmatic implementations; and </FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="000000">A partnership in assuming and upholding common values. </FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">NATO has opened itself to new members; so has the EU. Certain links exist between those two processes, and they must go on. Perhaps the Alliance will find some inspiration in the EU’s approach to its future enlargement. However, consensus among member-states must remain at the center of NATO’s decision-making process as long as collective defense remains a core function. </FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style8 style8 style24 style24"><FONT COLOR="000000">On the threshold of the 21st century, there remains an enormous need for a common European foreign and security policy and for Euro-Atlantic cooperation. Let us keep this need at the forefront as we prepare for the responsibilities of the new millennium.</FONT></P>
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