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<title>Center for Strategic Decision Research, Peter Struck, Michele Alliot-Marie, General George Joulwan, SACEUR, General James L. Jones, SHAPE, NATO, EU, BDLI, ILA, EADS, Northrop Grumman, Under Secretary Michael Wynne, Assistant Secretary Linton Wells, Ambassador William Burns, NATO Military Committee Chairman General Harald Kujat, General Dynamics, Boeing, Global Security Terrorism, Iraq, Afghanistan, Rainer Hertrich, David Stafford</title>
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<td width="66" height="68"><p><img src="../2004book/logo-kevin-web.jpg" width="60" height="66"></p> </td>
<td width="618"><div align="center"><span class="style5">14th International Workshop on Global Security - Prague, 21-25 June 1997<br>
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<p align="center" class="style17"><strong>Table of Contents:</strong></p>
<p align="left" class="style17"><strong><span class="style18"><a href="/97Book/vyborny-C.htm">Czech Defense Minister Miloslav Vyborny </a></span></strong><a href="/97Book/weissingerbaylon-C.htm">Workshop Chairman Roger Weissinger-Baylon </a></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Part 1</strong></p>
<p align="left" class="style18"><span class="style217"><strong></strong></span><span class="style217"><a href="/97Book/havel-C.htm">Czech President Vaclav Havel </a><a href="/97Book/kwasniewski-C.htm">Polish President Aleksander Kwasniewski </a></span><span class="style217"><a href="/97Book/constantinescu-C.htm">Romanian President Emil Constantinescu </a><a href="/97Book/klaus-C.htm">Czech Prime Minister Vaclav Klaus </a></span><span class="style217"><a href="/97Book/prodi-C.htm">Italian Prime Minister Romano Prodi</a></span></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Part 2</strong></p>
<p align="left" class="style18"><span class="style217"><a href="/97Book/joulwan-C.htm">SACEUR Gen George Joulwan </a><a href="/97Book/shevtsov-C.htm">Dep SACEUR for Russian Forces Col Gen Leontiy Shevtso<strong>v</strong></a></span><span class="style217"><a href="/97Book/crouch-C.htm">CINC USAREUR Gen Willliam Crouch </a><span class="style222"><a href="/97Book/udovenko-C.htm">Ukranian Foreign Minister Hennadi Udovenko</a></span></span><span class="style217"><span class="style222"><a href="/97Book/churkin-C.htm">Russian Ambassador to NACC Vitaly Churkin</a><a href="/97Book/cutileiro-C.htm">WEU Secretary General Jose Cutileiro </a></span></span></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Part 3</strong></p>
<p align="left" class="style18"><span class="style219"><a href="/97Book/poncelet-C.htm">Belgian Defense Minister Jean-Pol Poncelet</a><a href="/97Book/voorhoeve-C.htm">Dutch Defense Minister Joris JC Voorhoeve </a></span><span class="style219"><a href="/97Book/kosmo-C.htm">Norwegian Defense Minister Jorgen Kosmo </a><a href="/97Book/apostolakis-C.htm">Greek Dep Defense Minister Dimitrios Apostolakis</a> </span></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Part 4</strong></p>
<p class="style18"><span class="style219"><a href="/97Book/oovel-C.htm">Estonian Defense Minister Andrus Oovel </a><a href="/97Book/birkavs-C.htm">Latvian Foreign Minister Valdis Birkavs </a><a href="/97Book/saudargas-C.htm">Lithuanian Foreign Minister Algirdas Saudargas </a></span></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Part 5</strong></p>
<p class="style18"><span class="style209"><span class="style197"><a href="/97Book/white-C.htm">US Dep Secretary of Defense John White </a></span><span #invalid_attr_id="10px 0px 0px 10px"><span class="style197"><a href="/97Book/hassanov-C.htm">Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Hassan Hassanov</a></span></span></span><span class="style219"><a href="/97Book/mihailova-C.htm">Bulgarian Foreign Minister Nadezha Mihailova </a></span><span class="style219"><a href="/97Book/zieleniec-C.htm">Czech Foreign Minister Josef Zieleniec</a></span><span class="style219"><a href="/97Book/kovacs-C.htm">Hungarian Foreign Minister Laszlo Kovacs</a><a href="/97Book/kitanoski-C.htm">Macedonian Defense Minister Lazar Kitanoski</a></span><span class="style219"><a href="/97Book/rosati-C.htm">Polish Foreign Minister Dariusz Rosati</a></span><span class="style219"><a href="/97Book/babiuc-C.htm">Romanian Defense Minister Victor Babiuc</a></span><span class="style219"><a href="/97Book/thaler-C.htm">Slovenian Foreign Minister Zoran Thaler</a></span></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Part 6</strong></p>
<p class="style18"><span class="style219"><a href="/97Book/smith-C.htm">US Assist to the Secretary of Defense Harold Smith </a></span><span class="style219"><a href="/97Book/hoeper-C.htm">US Dep Under Secretary of Defense Paul Hoeper </a><a href="/97Book/weston-C.htm">British Aerospace Director John Weston</a><a href="/97Book/portillo-C.htm">UK Fmr Defense Minister Michael Portillo </a><a href="/97Book/hunter-C.htm">US Ambassador to NATO Robert Hunter </a><a href="/97Book/fasslabend-C.htm">Austrian Defense Minister Werner Fasslabend </a></span></p>
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<CENTER>
<h1 class="style26">NATO Enlargement, Ukraine and European Security</h1>
<p class="style27">His Excellency Hennadi Udovenko<br>
Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine</p>
</CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000">It is an honor for me to address you today when important events in the development of European security and in Ukraine's international activities are taking place. We meet here shortly after the Sintra Ministerial, where important decisions were made on how to advance NATO's internal and external adaptation to the realities of the European security environment within the context of the enlargement process, the development of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC), and the enhanced PFP institutions. The enlargement process will become a practical matter in the very near future. We are only days away from the Madrid Summit, and the decisions made there will definitely affect overall Euro-Atlantic security development. However, the enlargement of the North Atlantic Alliance should not be considered as a final and universal solution to all problems relating to Euro-Atlantic security.</FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000">While we believe enlargement to be the biggest political event of the last years of the 20th century, we do not believe it will meet all the stability and security challenges of the region. It is only one, albeit a very important, element of continuing, complicated work in this direction. But this effort will go on because, as we all agreed several years ago, in order for European security to be effective and viable, it must be comprehensive, indivisible, and inclusive.</FONT> </P>
<CENTER>
<p class="style25">STRENGTHENING UKRAINIAN AND EUROPEAN SECURITY</p>
</CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000">Ukrainian independence is a relatively new political phenomenon in today's Europe, but one that has already considerably changed the geopolitical image of Central and Eastern Europe and of our continent as a whole. As mentioned in many NATO documents, Ukraine has also become a most important factor in European security. This status is a result not only of Ukraine's geopolitical location and importance, but of its practical contribution to the enhancement of regional and wider European stability and security.</FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000">The goal of Ukraine's foreign policy is eventual integration with major European and Euro-Atlantic structures. A high priority is strengthening relations with all its neighbors, first of all with Russia. We are convinced that meeting these objectives will make a substantial contribution to peace and the stability process in Europe. In that regard, I would like to note several important events that we believe considerably strengthen Ukraine's security posture as well as contribute to the conditions needed for a qualitatively new, more stable, and secure geopolitical situation in Europe.</FONT> </P>
<P><span class="style28">1. The approval and initialing, on May 29 at the Sintra NAC Ministerial, of the Ukraine-NATO Special Partnership Charter.</span><FONT COLOR="#000000"> It has been about two years since President Kuchma put forward the idea of a special partnership between Ukraine and the Alliance. From an uncertain beginning we went on to do serious joint work that produced good results. Signing the charter at the Madrid Summit would be an important step in promoting indivisibility in European security, as well as furthering stability and shared democratic values in Central and Eastern Europe.</FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000">Why is this charter so important for Ukraine? I am pleased to note, here in Prague, in the heart of Europe, that in the charter Ukraine is at last officially recognized as an integral part of Central and Eastern Europe, and as one of the "key factors" for ensuring stability in this region and on the continent as a whole. But the charter is not only important for Ukraine. By accepting Ukraine's proposal to formalize special partnership relations with her, the Alliance has once again showed its ability and willingness to adapt to new post-Cold War realities and to take into account the position of Partner countries during the course of its transformation. I believe that the Ukraine-NATO Charter, along with the NATO-Russia Founding Act and future NATO enlargement, will pave the way for a more consolidated and cooperative European security.</FONT> </P>
<P><span class="style28">2. The opening in Ukraine, on May 7, of the first NATO Information and Documentation Center.</span><FONT COLOR="#000000"> This center, we believe, was the right step at the right time in the right direction. It is not a secret that opinions about NATO enlargement and about NATO itself differ greatly among the newly independent states on the territory of the former Soviet Union. Just recently I presented the issue of Ukraine-NATO relations to a session of the Ukrainian parliament. When I mentioned that NATO had never committed any aggression throughout its history, the left-wing audience erupted noisily. This was open evidence of how deeply negative Soviet public opinion of NATO was. Such situations show that we need joint efforts to overcome the sad heritage of the former era of confrontation, and the activities of the NATO Information Center should be valuable contributions to this goal.</FONT> </P>
<P class="style28">3. Launching the activities of the Kuchma-Gore Interstate Commission, implementing the strategic partnership between Ukraine and the U.S. </P>
<P><span class="style28">4. The signing, during President Kwasniewski's visit to Ukraine, of the historic Declaration of the Presidents of Ukraine and Poland "Towards Reconciliation and Unity between Poles and Ukrainians."</span><FONT COLOR="#000000"> The declaration brings our bilateral relations to a new level and is evidence of both peoples' understanding of the hard lessons in their complicated history.</FONT> </P>
<P><span class="style28">5. The meeting of five presidents of the CEE states (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, and Ukraine) in Tallinn on May 27.</span><FONT COLOR="#000000"> This meeting was the start of a new form of regional cooperation.</FONT> </P>
<P><span class="style28">6. The signing, on May 8 in Moscow, of the memorandum of the settlement of the Trans-Dnistrian problem, the implementation of which is guaranteed by Ukraine, Russia, and OSCE.</span><FONT COLOR="#000000"> The signing of this memorandum is another important step toward regional stability. And the memorandum has already been put to work. A visit by the leader of Trans-Dnistria, Mr. Smirnov, took place in Ukraine, aimed at launching the restoration of closer economic cooperation. Participation of Ukrainian peacekeepers in that area was also discussed.</FONT> </P>
<P class="style28">7. The conclusion of the border treaty between Ukraine and Belarus, a first step for Ukraine in settling this important issue with the former Soviet Republics. </P>
<P><span class="style28">8. The signing of the Framework Treaty on Friendship, Cooperation, and Partnership with the Russian Federation during President Yeltsin's first official visit to Ukraine, the main event in Ukraine's international political life.</span><FONT COLOR="#000000"> The treaty is of exceptional importance to Ukraine because it sets up a legislative basis for relations with our largest and closest neighbor, and confirms the territorial integrity of Ukraine and the inviolability of its borders. The treaty also has a wider international dimension. We are grateful to all governments that expressed their appreciation of this achievement as a considerable step in enhancing regional stability and security.</FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000">Shortly before President Yeltsin's visit, Ukraine also signed agreements with Russia on the status and conditions of stationing the Russian Black Sea Fleet on Ukrainian territory and on the parameters of the Black Sea Fleet division. For five years the Black Sea Fleet problem has been a subject of concern not only for Ukraine and Russia but for the international community as well. By signing these agreements we have managed to resolve one of the most complicated problems of modern history to emerge after the collapse of the former Soviet Union. Since President Yeltsin's visit Ukraine and Russia have intensified their trade and economic contacts as well as negotiations on border agreement issues. A number of important bilateral projects have been developed that will soon be implemented and should bring additional stability to the post-Soviet territories.</FONT> </P>
<P><span class="style28">9. The signing, on June 2 in the Romanian city of Constanta, of the big political treaty between Ukraine and Romania, concluding one of the most difficult negotiation processes conducted by Ukraine since obtaining independence.</span><FONT COLOR="#000000"> With the signing of this treaty there are no longer any so-called historical problems of territorial division and borders between Ukraine and its neighbors. Intensification of cooperation among Ukraine, Moldova, and Romania has also been agreed to. The presidents of these countries will meet to launch a number of Euro-regional projects to set up free-trade zones and to intensify political, trade, economic, and cultural cooperation. These efforts will be a substantive contribution to peace, stability, and prosperity in this region.</FONT> </P>
<CENTER>
<p class="style25">NATO AND THE EUROPEAN SECURITY ARCHITECTURE</p>
</CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000">The decision in Madrid on NATO enlargement and the signing of the NATO-Russia Founding Act and the Ukraine-NATO Charter will create a qualitatively new security environment in the transatlantic area and testify that the new NATO remains an important player in European security development and maintenance. Opening the Alliance to new members and implementing new Alliance missions will have a strong effect on the European security environment. The newly inaugurated Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council and the enhanced Partnership for Peace will also be instrumental in promoting greater cooperation and inclusiveness in European security measures. Ukraine welcomes former NACC observers as full members in EAPC. It also considers the establishment of a special partnership with NATO as a complementary, rather than a competing, mechanism to the EAPC. We view with the same importance the implementation of the NATO-Russia Founding Act provisions, which may help significantly in building up a new security architecture in Europe. Concerning NATO enlargement I would also like to say that the process should remain open, transparent, and evolutionary, and that NATO doors should be kept open for additional memberships.</FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000">The most important issue today is what NATO becomes after Madrid. Our understanding is that it will be a new NATO, with new members, new missions, new functions, and new types of responsibilities. The last opinion poll in Ukraine revealed that more and more people see NATO as a peacekeeping and peacemaking organization, a point that should be part of future discussions about NATO's role in the 21st century.</FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000">While actively developing cooperation with NATO, Ukraine has also said that its basic national interests require its full-scale participation in the all-European security system that should guarantee every nation's stability and security. This pan-European policy is the basis of Ukraine's attitude towards NATO enlargement.</FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000">Building up this new European security environment is an extremely complex, complicated, and sometimes controversial process. So it would be a simplification to say that its development should derive only from NATO enlargement. On the other hand, it should also be recognized that NATO's adaptation to the new realities is proceeding at a relatively higher speed than that of other European institutions, which in turn is influencing the general European landscape. However, NATO constitutes only one of the many important parts of the emerging security architecture--the military one--and the other important parts--political, economic, and social--should not be neglected if we really want to build up what is called in OSCE terms "a comprehensive security for all Europe."</FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000">As a natural part of Central and Eastern Europe, Ukraine is working hard to create a stable, friendly external environment for implementing the crucial internal task of transforming the country into an open, democratic society with a market-oriented economy. To ensure this external environment, national security is a priority of our foreign policy. For Ukraine this means active involvement in building up a new security architecture on the continent. At present, this architecture is being developed through NATO's transformation and enlargement; the evolution of a security model for the 21st century within the OSCE framework; the future enlargement of the European Union; new Western European Union functions; and the development of regional and subregional processes. But only through complementary interaction and a meaningful distribution of functions will these processes secure the vitality and efficiency of the future European architecture.<br>
</FONT><br>
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