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<CENTER><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+3">New
Direction for NATO and the Case for Enlargement</FONT></FONT></FONT></CENTER>
<CENTER><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+2">United
States Deputy Secretary of Defense John P. White</FONT></FONT></FONT></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Just after VE Day in 1945,
when George Marshall was U.S. Army Chief of Staff, he sent his biennial
report to Congress with an unusual comment. He said, "If man does
find the solution to world peace, it will be the most revolutionary
reversal of his record we have ever known."</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">After years of world war,
no wonder Marshall was skeptical. But he was also a man of hope. In the
years that followed World War II, he helped to usher in not one but two
solutions to bringing peace to Europe--the Marshall Plan, which helped to
revive and rebuild the economies of Western Europe, and NATO, which
protected Western Europe from aggression during the Cold War.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">During this period of
peace building, President Truman said that "Individuals make history
and not the other way around. Progress occurs when courageous, skillful
leaders seize the opportunity to change things for the better."
Progress did occur because of the leaders who helped to build a new
transatlantic community of free nations a half-century ago. And it is
occurring today, at another turning point in history. Today we have the
opportunity to complete Marshall's vision of a Europe whole and free. In
order to achieve that vision, we must summon the courage and skill needed
to extend the transatlantic community of free nations.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">THE CONTINUING NEED
FOR NATO</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">There is no better place
to address this future than here in Prague. Thirty years ago, during the "Prague
Spring," tanks rumbled down these streets to crush the stirrings of
liberty. Now, liberty is blooming throughout Eastern and Central Europe.
NATO and Russia have signed the Founding Act, which commits us to a future
of cooperation, not confrontation. We are transforming NATO into an
alliance for the 21st century, with new missions and new partners. NATO is
now ready to take the historic step of inviting new members to join the
Alliance by 1999, its 50th anniversary.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">NATO has come a long way.
But in the years following the collapse of the Soviet Union, some said
there was no longer a threat, so there was no longer a need for NATO.
These same people wondered why the United States should maintain its
commitment to European security.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">We still need NATO; it is
essential for both European and North American defense and security. Over
the past four decades, NATO has been a unifying force for stability in a
fragmented, unstable world. The United States remains committed to NATO
because if Europe is in danger, America is in danger; when Europe is
secure, America is secure. That is why U.S. forces, along with Allies and
Partners, are helping to give peace a chance to endure in Bosnia. And that
is why America is committed to building a new NATO to face the security
challenges of the 21st century.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">NEW NATO DIRECTIONS</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Since our last workshop in
Warsaw, we have made great progress in building this new NATO together. We
are launching the enhanced PFP and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council,
which will bring NATO and its Partners even closer together with more
intensive military exercises, planning, consultations, and other
activities. These outreach programs will also pave the way for further
NATO enlargement and offer a role to European democracies that do not seek
formal membership in the Alliance. We are also making great progress in
changing NATO's internal structure to create a stronger European defense
identity.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">THE U.S. CASE FOR
ENLARGEMENT</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Most importantly, we will
soon invite the first round of new members into NATO. In June 1996, in a
speech to the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, President Clinton
outlined the four key reasons why NATO enlargement is crucial to European
security:</FONT></FONT> </P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">NATO enlargement will
strengthen the Alliance's ability to meet the security challenges of the
21st century. Collective defense is better than going it alone.
Enlarging NATO will enlarge the circle of like-minded nations able to
protect one another from threats of the new world order, including
ethnic conflict, regional aggression, and the proliferation of weapons
of mass destruction.</FONT></FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Some have asked whether
adding new members will dilute NATO's military strength. The answer is an
unmitigated no. Every new member of NATO will be a contributor of
security, not just a consumer of it. That means their forces will be able
to fight alongside NATO's and help protect NATO territory.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Enlarging NATO will
help secure the historic gains of democracy in Europe. NATO membership
will provide new democracies with the security to become even stronger
democracies in the 21st century, just as it previously provided Western
European nations such as Germany, Italy, and Spain with the security
they needed to establish and cement strong democratic principles.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Enlarging NATO will
encourage prospective members to resolve their differences peacefully.
By enlarging NATO, we enlarge the zone of stability NATO provides. In
the past, NATO membership has helped to reconcile France and Germany and
has provided a forum for resolution of tensions between members such as
Greece and Turkey. Today, NATO's open door is providing a powerful
impetus for Central and Eastern European nations to resolve past
disputes and to enact a series of unprecedented agreements to ensure
stable borders, promote cooperation, and address mutual concerns about
the treatment of ethnic minorities. These agreements include the
Polish-Lithuanian treaty of 1994, the Hungarian-Slovakian treaty of
1996, the agreements between Poland and Ukraine, and the 1996 treaty
between Hungary and Romania. I applaud our Czech hosts for their 1996
agreement with Germany concerning the Sudeten and other issues.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Enlarging NATO will
erase the artificial line that divided Europe during the Cold War. The
prospect of NATO membership is like a magnet, drawing our nations closer
together. Taken with the Partnership for Peace, the Euro-Atlantic
Partnership Council, and the NATO-Russia Founding Act, enlargement is
serving to connect our capitals, coalesce our militaries, and bridge our
differences. Just the mere act of discussing, consulting, and
negotiating the future of European security has erased the mental
dividing lines, replacing them with growing trust, understanding, and
cooperation. Our nations are also erasing the old divides from the
ground up as our forces serve together in Bosnia.</FONT></FONT></LI>
</UL>
<CENTER><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">THE U.S. APPROACH
TO ENLARGEMENT</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">There is overwhelming
evidence that enlarging NATO will be good for the North Atlantic
community. But the question for NATO is which new members to invite first.
After extensive discussion with Allies and candidate countries, members of
Congress, and members of his administration, President Clinton decided
that the United States will support Poland, Hungary, and the Czech
Republic for the first-round invitations based on the fact that these
three countries have demonstrated the necessary level of progress on
military, political, economic, and social reform. The United States also
recognizes the impressive strides made by Slovenia and Romania and views
both as strong candidates for future NATO membership.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The United States has
adopted its deliberate approach to enlargement because accession is a
highly important action, carrying heavy obligations for both new and old
members. The prudent course is to defer accession invitations to countries
that are on the right path but need more time, a course that is all the
more appropriate because the door to membership is going to remain open.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">There are some advantages
to limiting the number of initial invitations. For one, the problems and
costs of enlargement will be diminished if only a limited number of
countries are assimilated into NATO's operations at one time. Also, a
small initial group underscores the point that there are really going to
be additional rounds. In making its decision, the United States took into
consideration the view that for so momentous a decision, there ought to be
a strong consensus of support, and therefore it was right to support only
countries that received that widespread support, leaving others for later
action.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">THE NEED FOR
CONTINUING ACCESSION INVITATIONS</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">A basic premise of U.S.
policy is that there should be a clear commitment by the Alliance that
further rounds of membership will follow soon. The Alliance should also
make an unequivocal commitment to keep the door open, continue dialogue
focused on membership issues, explicitly reject the notion that any
European democracy will be excluded from membership solely on the basis of
geography, and regularly review the progress of applicant nations toward
readiness for membership. In addition, we must attach great importance to
implementing the measures the Alliance has planned to strengthen the links
between NATO and Partner countries whether those countries are seeking
membership or not.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">BUILDING SUPPORT FOR
ENLARGEMENT</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">It is not enough for us to
shake hands and sign papers in the relative privacy of our capital halls
and conference rooms. NATO enlargement cannot occur--and indeed, <I>should
not</I> occur--without the consent of the people of our nations and their
elected legislative representatives. As President Clinton said, "Because
[enlargement] is not without cost and risk, it is appropriate to have an
open, full, national discussion."</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">As democracies, we have
learned that public support for government actions, particularly actions
involving national security, legitimizes those actions. As Thomas
Jefferson said in 1799, "Citizens have a right to full information in
a case of great concernment to them. It is their sweat which is to earn
all the expenses of war, and their blood which is to flow in expiation of
the causes of it."</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">So we need to have "open,
full, national discussions" about the costs and benefits of enlarging
NATO. And we must have these discussions not just in the 16 NATO nations,
but in every nation that would join NATO. That is the proposition I make.
Together, we must begin to build public support in Europe and America for
NATO enlargement.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Fifty years ago, George
Marshall faced a similar challenge with the Marshall Plan. In his Harvard
University commencement address outlining the need for the plan, he said,
"The very mass of facts presented to the public by press and radio
make it exceedingly difficult for the man in the street to reach a clear
appraisement of the situation." Marshall spent the next year trying
to remedy that problem. He traveled across the United States promoting the
plan to labor unions, farmers, journalists, local politicians, women's
groups, veterans, and others. In the end, the U.S. Congress approved the
plan. And President Truman later said that Marshall "would be the
first to agree that [the plan] is more than the creation of statesmen. It
comes from the minds and hearts of all of the people."</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The new NATO must also be
more than the creation of statesmen--it must come from the minds and
hearts of all of the people. It is our responsibility as democratic
leaders to make a clear and compelling case for it, explaining the costs,
the benefits, and the modalities of enlargement.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">CONCLUDING REMARKS</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">In closing, let me
congratulate our hosts, President Havel and the people of the Czech
Republic, for their efforts to integrate their nation into the Europe that
George Marshall envisioned 50 years ago. They demonstrate the good that
comes when people focus their energies on the future.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">President Havel once told
a story that exemplifies this way of thinking. Sometime after he became
president, he was approached by a man who had interrogated him during his
last spell in jail in 1989. The man had a bold favor to ask: Would
President Havel put in a good word for him so he could stay with the
police as an interrogator? The President said yes, and he did it.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">That generosity of spirit
is what the new Europe is all about. It is the spirit of George Marshall
extending America's hand across the Atlantic. It is the spirit of hands
today reaching across the old divides in Europe. If this generosity of
spirit continues, we can realize Marshall's vision for a North Atlantic
community with a new Europe, whole and free.</FONT></FONT> </P>
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