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<TITLE> Andrus Öövel</TITLE>
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<CENTER><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+3">Baltic
and Northern European Security</FONT></FONT></FONT></CENTER>
<CENTER><I><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">"History
Does not Have Holidays"</FONT></FONT></FONT></I></CENTER>
<CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+2"><FONT FACE="Palatino">Defense
Minister of Estonia Andrus </FONT>Öö<FONT FACE="Palatino">vel</FONT></FONT></FONT>
</CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Since the end of the cold
War, the threat of confrontation has lessened considerably on the
Continent. Now, however, we stand at a crossroads and must choose the
right path to meet new challenges and secure a peaceful future. We must
find a way to achieve our ideals, principles, and goals as we face the new
reality.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">THE PURSUIT OF
FREEDOM</FONT></FONT></B></H4> </CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">It has been said that "Truth
makes man free." But some are convinced that it is power that
provides freedom. History has shown that very often the latter has been
true. But is it really in power that truth lies, and from where freedom
springs? Or are there other values and virtues to lean on, such as justice
and equality?</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Every nation has its own
history, which is often described as a pursuit of freedom. Estonia has
been pursuing freedom and justice through the centuries, for the right to
be a free and independent nation and to be free from the power of others.
There are periods in Estonian history when we have been ruled by Swedes,
Soviets, Germans, tsars, and Great Wars, as well as by Estonians. But what
does this really mean for our country? And where are we now headed in our
move towards the 21st century? What part will the Baltic States play in
the Europe of the future?</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">As we look for answers to
these questions, I would like to elaborate on some areas of considerable
importance. First, I would like to express my views on European security
and on NATO's role in it. Then I would like to turn to issues concerning
enlargement, and finally to information I would like to detail regarding
defense-related cooperation in the Baltic Sea area.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">NATO'S ROLE IN
EUROPEAN SECURITY</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Post-Cold War Europe has
witnessed an increase in two types of interaction: integration, including
ideas, political institutions, and economic interests; and cooperation,
including that of efforts, intellects, resources, and wills. We have come
to understand that the world is a complex entity with a thousand and one
interrelated parts, each playing an invaluable role. And from this
understanding has come the idea of the indivisibility of European
security. All states are needed for--and must share the responsibility
for--building a stable Europe. No nation is too small or too big; all have
an important role in shaping the future. And all countries must be
included in this network of security organizations and in the
opportunities to work together to secure a transatlantic security
architecture that accommodates all interests. The new democratic states in
Europe are developing their societies, pursuing economic reforms, and
cooperating on security questions to achieve the security and freedom they
have long desired. European security can no longer be measured by military
might alone. I am convinced that the essence of security lies in the
sharing of common principles and values such as democracy and human
rights, as well as in improved human, social, and environmental
conditions. Efforts in these directions are providing us with new tools to
meet the challenges now in front of us and helping us avoid reinstating
problems from the past.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">One of these tools is
NATO--an alliance that is moving from its roots as a purely military
organization towards an organization that also promotes cooperative
security. NATO has done an incredible job in adapting to the changed world
situation. It has voluntarily assumed many functions beyond the collective
defense of its members, and proven to be a flexible, reform-minded
international security organization. NATO's recent reforms and ongoing
preparations for internal and external adaptation are aimed at
strengthening European security to meet the new, post-Cold War security
challenges and risks, and to reinforce the transatlantic link and
contribute to the development of the European Security and Defense
Identity. In that work, Partnership for Peace should be recognized as a
program that has contributed greatly to security and shown that many
nations, even former adversaries, are willing and able to work together.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Enlargement as a
Continuing Process</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The momentum produced by
PFP should not be allowed to die; it should be consolidated under the
umbrella of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The enlargement of
NATO is essential for carrying on the momentum and benefits that have
already been gained. The process should be ongoing, and a commitment to
that effect should be made in Madrid. But a simple statement that the door
should remain open might not be enough for those who are not part of the
first wave of enlargement. Secretary Albright said in Sintra that "Öwe
must make a clear and credible commitment in Madrid to those nations that
are not yet ready for membership. We must pledge that the first members
will not be the last and that no democracy will be excluded because of
where it sits on the map." Estonia, however, seeks a more concrete
statement from the Alliance that continued openness is assured. To that
end I believe that the idea of continuing the intensified dialogues
between NATO and applicant partners is worth consideration. Our confidence
in the continuing openness of NATO has been increased by the U.S.
Congress's designation of new countries, including Estonia and other
Baltic States, that are eligible for NATO enlargement assistance under the
framework of the 1997 European Security Act. I would like to express my
appreciation to the Congress for taking this step.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The Importance of
EAPC and PFP</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">I would also like to
stress the importance of the establishment of the Euro-Atlantic
Partnership Council (EAPC) by NACC and the Partnership for Peace, which
took place in Sintra, Portugal, on May 30, 1997. The goal of EAPC is
raising political and military cooperation to a qualitatively new level,
and its establishment will provide new agendas and new instruments for the
transatlantic security community. EAPC could also provide a mechanism for
implementation of Article 8 of the PFP Document. Using the language from
Sintra, EAPC "I will unite the positive experience of NACC and PFP by
providing the overarching framework for political and security-related
consultations and for enhanced cooperation under PFP, whose basic elements
will remain valid." Such a mission can only be praised and welcomed.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Estonia values highly the
PFP program, which has been uniting European democracies for only three
years but has already had enormous success in enhancing European security.
We welcome the further development of PFP that was approved by the NAC in
December 1996, and hope that the measures for strengthening the
organization will raise cooperation between the Alliance and Partners to a
much higher level.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">ACHIEVING NATO
MEMBERSHIP</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">There are four crucial PFP
areas through which Estonia means to achieve its ultimate goal of joining
NATO, as well as strengthening our capabilities:</FONT></FONT> </P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The PFP Planning and
Review Process (PARP), which is parallel to the Alliance's
defense-planning process, is helping us to develop our forces and to
meet interoperability objectives. The exchange of information between
Estonia and the Alliance, under PARP, is of extreme importance in the
further development of our national defense.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Estonia is seeking
greater involvement in the planning and conducting of PFP exercises, an
effort that will be realized in the exercise "Baltic Challenge,"
which will include the U.S., the Nordic countries, the Baltic States,
and Ukraine. "Baltic Challenge" will take place in Estonia in
summer 1997. We greatly appreciate our Partners' willingness to
participate in an exercise that will increase the readiness of our
forces for multinational operations and that will have great symbolic
significance for all of the Baltic Sea region.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Estonia also is seeking
greater Partner involvement in NATO structures, and has proposed an idea
to that effect. We hope an enhanced PFP will bring about greater Partner
involvement in routine military-authority work at different
command-structure levels. Because importance is attached to
international staff officers as far as the development of the Alliance
is concerned, we feel the establishment of an international Partner
Staff Element should be considered. We also believe opening offices in
the capitals of applicant countries would provide an additional
opportunity for contact between the Alliance and NATO applicants.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The Combined Joint Task
Force (CJTF) is another means for developing both political unity and
new democracies' practical skills. The CJTF concept helps to create a
common European Defense and Security Identity, obliging European
security organizations to stand for peace and to act for that purpose.
CJTF is also a successful, practical arrangement that links the armies
of many countries, and will, through planning and the training of
multinational forces for non-Article 5 missions, eventually contribute
to strengthening regional force contingents in Europe.</FONT></FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">I believe that an enhanced
PFP and CJTF will give new substance to the regional dimension of European
security. It will also enhance defense cooperation between the Baltic
States and the Nordic countries, as well as encourage new initiatives and
programs and more intensive activities.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">COOPERATIVE PROGRAMS
AMONG THE BALTIC STATES</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Cooperation among the
Baltic States--Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania--is highly valued by all
three states and has developed very rapidly, especially during 1996-97.
Very recently the Baltic Ministers of Foreign Affairs held a trilateral
meeting that resulted in a declaration of common understanding of the main
security-policy goals. Our primary security-policy goal is accession to EU
and NATO, and we agree that one Baltic country's success in achieving this
goal will also be of benefit to the other two. We believe that the
accession of the Baltic States will enhance overall European security but
will also compensate for the injustice we experienced due to the fateful
twists of history.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The three Baltic States
have also determined the priorities of their defense-related cooperation.
To reach our goals we have launched three joint programs: the Baltic
Peacekeeping Battalion (BALTBAT), the Baltic Naval Squadron (BALTRON), and
the Baltic Air-Surveillance Network (BALTNET). At the meeting of the
Ministers of Defense of the Nordic and Baltic States, which took place in
Kuressaare, Estonia, in June 1997, we also established a new program--the
Baltic Defense College (BALTDEFCOL). All of these projects are aimed at
strengthening the Baltic States' defense forces but they are also
considered steps toward reaching eligibility for NATO membership.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The implementation of
these projects will also play a strong role in security enhancement, and
will contribute to the transformation of our nation from a security
consumer to a security producer. But the scope of these programs reaches
far beyond Baltic military cooperation. They constitute a model of how
different countries with a common aim can strengthen wider security by
developing regional security.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The joint programs I have
mentioned are actively supported by different nations around the Baltic
Sea, and the U.S., the UK, and France also support the programs. I would
like to thank all the nations participating in these programs, especially
Denmark, Germany, Norway, and Sweden, for taking the role of leading
nation in BALTBAT, BALTRON, BALTNET, and BALTDEFCOL, respectively.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">These projects, however,
are far from being the only joint military activities taking place in the
region. Trilateral cooperation among Denmark, Germany, and Poland is also
underway, through an initiative in which the three Baltic States were also
invited to participate, an invitation that was well received and highly
valued. There is also an extensive network of bilateral relationships
between nations of the region. Two of particular note are the
Finnish-Estonian effort to build up Estonian ground forces and the
comprehensive annual bilateral defense-cooperation plans that Denmark
implements with all three Baltic States and Poland. We also value highly
the Danish and Norwegian initiatives that coordinate defense and security
assistance for the Baltic States, and believe such programs will tie us
more tightly together and improve the overall environment.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">In addition to
understanding the importance of regional cooperation, the Nordic and
Baltic States recognize the importance of having a transatlantic link to
the region. We therefore highly value the participation of the U.S. and
Canada in Baltic States military programs, as well as U.S. participation
in all major Combined Baltic Defense programs and the organization of the
"Baltic Challenge '97" exercise. We are now seeking an even
stronger American commitment in our region, which could be accomplished
through the Baltic Action Plan.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">WORKING WITH RUSSIA</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">In addition to all the
programs and organizations I have mentioned, the goal of reaching a
peaceful, undivided, and democratic Europe also depends on continued
democracy-building in Russia, Europe's largest state and a great powers.
Russia has been, and will continue to be, an important factor in our
region, and in European security. We therefore welcome the signing of the
Founding Act between NATO and Russia, and hope it will help shape a new
security model aimed at promoting confidence and stability in Europe. I
would like to suggest that we assist Russia in facing the problems that
are part of becoming a democratic country and in accelerating its internal
development. But Russia must first rely on its own efforts and on
developing a positive attitude. Such efforts could form the basis for
reciprocal confidence and understanding. Russia needs to convince itself
that there is no hidden agenda in our dealings with them, and that the
development of the Baltic States and the stability that results from their
integration with NATO and EU will be in Russia's interest.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">TAKING RESPONSIBILITY
FOR A STABLE EUROPEAN ENVIRONMENT</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Europe's future security
system depends on our ability to include all participating states in a
common system in which every state has an equal responsibility. The means
I have mentioned towards ensuring a more stable continent will, I hope,
accommodate the interests of the various countries.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">History now offers us a
chance to prove our readiness to accept the freedom that stems from
cooperation and development within a democracy. We must take this chance,
and continue to pursue freedom and justice. But with the privilege of
freedom comes the obligation to shoulder responsibility. Only by working
together and taking equal responsibility can we preserve stability in
Europe.</FONT></FONT> </P>
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