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<CENTER><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+3">Central
Europe in NATO: Reliable Allies</FONT></FONT></FONT></CENTER>
<CENTER><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+2">President
of the Republic of Poland Aleksander Kwasniewski</FONT></FONT></FONT></CENTER>
<CENTER>
<H4><B>NEW DESIGNS IN EUROPE</B></H4> </CENTER>
<P>During the weeks before this Workshop, we have witnessed extraordinary
progress in the drafting of a new design for international relations in
Europe. Preparations for NATO's enlargement into Central and Eastern
Europe have been intensified and are now nearing the decisive phase. Talks
with Russia on defining a new framework for relations concluded
successfully with the signing of the Founding Act. Almost simultaneously,
the NATO-Ukraine Charter was initialed. The Presidents of Poland, the
Baltic States, and Ukraine met in Tallinn. The inaugural session of the
Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council was held in Sintra. </P>
<P>Watching these events happen, some observers have concluded that
politics have come to resemble business, with cycles of economic upturn
unexpectedly followed by recessions, followed by recoveries--all seemingly
without clear logic or explanation. </P>
<P>This is a misleading comparison. The sense of increased confidence in
the direction in which the Euro-Atlantic order is evolving has not come
like a bolt out of the blue; it is a direct result of the thoughtful and
considered process of modeling a new security construction in Europe, with
the enlargement of the North Atlantic Alliance its central element. The
progress observed in the recent past testifies to the value of building
upon tested structures of Euro-Atlantic security and transatlantic values.
A few years after the peaceful ending of the Cold War, the security system
in Europe now reflects a transformed reality that includes a democratic,
free-market-based, forward-looking Central Europe. As long as the
international community continues to recognize the sovereign right of
states to choose where they want to belong, the benefits and gains of the
present period will be preserved into the next millennium. </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B>Founding Principles of the New Europe: Solidarity, Integration, and
Cooperation</B></H4></CENTER>
<P>While the mission outline of the new NATO is being adjusted to Europe's
security conditions and to the requirements of Europe in the 1990s, a
number of features of current relations on the Continent are becoming
particularly prominent. Solidarity among like-minded nations is at the
very center of these relations. The future Central European members of
NATO are aware of both the demands and the benefits of transatlantic
solidarity. We shall be credible partners, aiming to erase any differences
that may, in the initial years, distinguish new members from old. But
these differences will surely not be of approach or commitment. Poland and
the other likely new entrants are determined to assume responsibility for
their share of the Alliance's tasks and costs. </P>
<P>The values of solidarity are being taken up throughout Europe in
parallel with continued reliance on integration. These two notions forbid
any future reference to such concepts as geopolitics and spheres of
influence--concepts that have become null and void as the pattern of
relations in Europe has become more democratic. </P>
<P>Finally, a drive is taking place to establish bonds of cooperation
between members of the enduring Euro-Atlantic structures and those
countries that remain outside them--whether of their own will or due to
the exigencies of the current phase of enlargement. In this area, the
designing of new channels of communication and cooperation has advanced
notably as of late, and will continue to undergo adjustment. The time has
arrived to breathe life into the framework that has been created and to
ensure that it functions effectively. </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B>Cooperation with Russia</B></H4></CENTER>
<P>In our view, a meaningful dialogue between NATO and Russia must be
transparent and must take Polish and other Central European perspectives
into account. Even if it takes up to two years for Poland and other
countries to formally join the NATO-Russia Council as a consequence of
gaining full membership in the Alliance, these years will be crucial to
the success of that forum. It is therefore in the interest of the
coherence of NATO policy to build a channel through which the positions as
well as the contributions of Central European countries can be taken into
account. No temptation should exist for others to assume that the invited
allies have somehow been left out of an arrangement that the Alliance
considers important. </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B>Inclusion of Aspiring Members</B></H4></CENTER>
<P>Somewhere between solidarity, integration, and cooperation lies the
sense of inclusion the Alliance must instill in those countries that
aspire to membership but are not invited to become members at the Madrid
Summit. Poland takes the view that the enlargement of NATO should be an
ongoing process with openly stated and transparent criteria. I believe
that a number of states in Poland's proximity will soon become part of the
integration order symbolized and expressed by NATO. In that sense,
enlargement should be viewed as a single process with more than one stage.
The invitation given to the first group of new members must also be
perceived as an opportunity to consolidate European and regional stability
and security. Frustration on the part of uninvited countries should be
avoided by all means, and focus should instead be placed on strengthening
membership qualifications. </P>
<P>Poland is aware that current NATO countries will expect the first
entrants to carry the message of solidarity and inclusion to uninvited
Partners. Presently we vigorously pursue bilateral and multilateral
partnership projects, covering political, economic, and military
cooperation, with the Baltic States, Ukraine, and others. In the
post-Madrid period, the newly invited Allies that are active participants
in Partnership for Peace must not focus their attention exclusively on the
accession talks, but should ensure the continued success of the PFP
framework. When first announced, the Partnership program was greeted with
some skepticism. Yet it proved tremendously important as a way to allow
NATO and Partner nations to learn about one another and build mutual
confidence. It is vital to approach "PFP Plus" with a similar
dose of enthusiasm and commitment to enable the remaining Partners to
continue to benefit from the Euro-Atlantic arrangements. </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B>EMBRACING UKRAINE'S EURO-ATLANTIC ASPIRATIONS</B></H4></CENTER>
<P>It cannot be stressed frequently enough that a secure and prosperous
Ukraine is a critical part of the Euro-Atlantic construction we are
creating. The initialing in May of the Charter on a Distinctive
Partnership between NATO and Ukraine and its planned signing in Madrid
constitute a decisive step towards the kind of cooperation framework that
Poland has long favored. Ukraine strongly leans toward Europe and the
United States for the economic model it aspires to and for the political
orientation it has adopted. The trust that Ukraine places in Western
countries and institutions must not go unanswered. Poland is pursuing an
intensive dialogue with Kiev and offers many channels for economic
cooperation and expertise transfer. However, Ukraine is going through a
stage in its economic transformation that demands concerted international
assistance, and we must not miss the opportunity to ensure the well-being
of that great country. Poland will continue to contribute to that effort.
</P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B>POLAND - A RELIABLE ALLY</B></H4></CENTER>
<P>At the Madrid Summit, Poland expects to receive the invitation to begin
accession talks leading to full membership in the Alliance. Following
several years of preparation, we are ready to accept all obligations that
come with being part of NATO. </P>
<P>Poland will be a reliable and committed NATO member. My country has a
long record of honoring its obligations, and will solidify and consolidate
this tradition within the Euro-Atlantic framework. We will also contribute
our assets to the Alliance's pool of resources. These do not include only
our armed forces' military potential and skills. We will focus equally on
the political aspect of our participation. Over the past few years we have
attached particular importance to building regional harmony and
understanding. We intend to redouble our efforts in that field following
Poland's accession to the Alliance. </P>
<P>The security of all Allies--including those newly accepted--will remain
indivisible. The principle that an attack on one amounts to an attack on
all is binding. When expressing our intention to become a member of NATO,
we declare our readiness to share the roles, risks, and responsibilities
with the other member-states. This means full participation in: </P>
<UL>
<LI>Joint military planning;</LI>
<LI>Joint operational and strategic planning;</LI>
<LI>Multinational formations;</LI>
<LI>Preparedness for anti-crisis actions;</LI>
<LI>Readiness to take part in support operations;</LI>
<LI>Consultative procedures;</LI>
<LI>Joint standards and procedures concerning equipment, training, and
logistics;</LI>
<LI>Common and joint military training;</LI>
<LI>Cooperation in the field of infrastructure, armaments, and logistics.</LI>
</UL>
<CENTER><B>ENLARGEMENT AS PART OF THE REDEFINITION OF NATO</B></CENTER>
<CENTER><B></B></CENTER>
<P>The enlargement of NATO is part of the process of redefining the
Alliance's mission in the post-Cold War world. That process has already
produced remarkable results. The Alliance's open character is of crucial
significance to its relevance. It ensures that while NATO remains--as it
should--a collective defense organization, it will have sufficient
political and moral clout to succeed in facing off any future challenges
to the security of the Euro-Atlantic area. This requires sharing the costs
as well as the benefits of protection. The Alliance's determination to
adhere to the values of solidarity, integration, and cooperation with
others will be decisive for NATO's effectiveness in the years to come.
However, the overall objective of the Alliance--ensuring the freedom and
security of all member-states by political and military means, in
accordance with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations--will
remain unchanged after the admission of new members. Only the scope of
territorial co-responsibility will increase. </P>
<P>The tasks that the Alliance will pursue in the future will be a logical
continuation of the tasks already underway. The most important of these
include: </P>
<UL>
<LI>Creation of stable security conditions in Europe based on the
consolidation of democratic institutions and adherence to the peaceful
resolution of international conflicts and tensions;</LI>
<LI>Provision of a forum for inter-Allied consultation on all issues
threatening the security of member-states and for coordination of
efforts in the areas of common interest;</LI>
<LI>Maintenance of a political-military balance in Europe.</LI>
</UL>
<P>All of these tasks will be reflected in three complementary spheres:
dialogue, cooperation, and preservation of a common defense capacity. </P>
<P>The enlargement of NATO will most probably lead to fresh consideration
of the Alliance's strategy. However, viewing the Washington Treaty or the
Rome Strategic Concept in the context of Central European states'
membership does not necessitate substantive modification of the concept of
common defense. This is an important observation if we take into account
that the Alliance will extend over a large, flat area in the center of
Europe, a step that could possibly be accompanied by military procedures
to facilitate common defense of that territory, for example, new
dislocations of significant contingents of Allied forces. That we do not
expect. We believe that defense of the area can be assured through
modernizing the Polish army and the Polish military infrastructure,
ensuring maximum interoperability between our forces and those of NATO.
</P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B>CONCLUDING REMARKS</B></H4></CENTER>
<P>As a representative of the country that undertook the same task last
year, I wish to thank our Czech hosts for organizing this Workshop. Such
events are useful for specialized dialogue, an important part of the
complex process of enlarging NATO. This year our meeting takes place only
days before the Summit that will mark an historic moment for the Alliance.
Thus, our debate here enables a manifestation of standpoints and attitudes
vis-?-vis all important aspects of the Madrid decisions. </P>
<P>I would like to conclude by recalling the Polish-Czech agreement reached
last January enabling the two countries to issue a common declaration just
before the Summit. Fortunately, this turned out to be unnecessary.
However, the willingness of Central European countries to cooperate at a
crucial and delicate political moment, also keynoted by our permanent,
close contacts with Hungary, should be seen as yet another sign of the
maturity of the candidates. </P>
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