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<FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+3>European
Security: Problems, Risks, and Challenges</FONT></FONT></FONT>
<CENTER><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+2>United
States Ambassador to NACC Robert E. Hunter</FONT></FONT></FONT></CENTER>

<CENTER>
<H4>
<B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+0>OPENING REMARKS</FONT></FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">I suspect that we are wearing
out the terms �history� and �historical.� But after our meeting in Prague
Castle, which itself has seen so much history, and thinking about the effort
to build lasting security in Europe, I believe that, with a bit of humility
and a lot of inspiration, we are finally�after some 379 years since the
Thirty Years� War began a few meters from Rudolph Hall where our Workshop
sessions took place�looking for a better way than the balance of power
to build security. At NATO we believe that we have found that better way,
and with the help of every single person in this room and every single
country represented, we think we have a chance to do it. Since May 27,
1997, we have begun to define what we do�not in relationship to the past,
undoing or overcoming the legacy of not one but three wars on this continent
in this century�but in relationship to the future, a future that we share
in common and that we must work toward together to make effective.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">As we meet, NATO is going
through the most extraordinary period of change in its history, a 44-day
period that began on the 27th of May and that will end in Madrid on the
9th of July. During that period, we have been reviewing the extraordinary
success that the NATO-led IFOR and now SFOR troops have been having in
Bosnia�troops from 16 Allied, 14 Partner, and 4 other countries. We have
also been following an extraordinary agenda, composed of eight separate
but totally linked items attempting to build a coherent strategy for security
and that will culminate in the NATO Summit.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">We <I>will</I> invite countries
to join NATO. My country supports three in the initial round: Poland, Hungary,
and the Czech Republic. However, for the United States, the early admission
of these three countries is intimately and inevitably linked to keeping
the door open to further NATO enlargement. There <I>will</I> be more rounds
of enlargement, defined by one simple proposition in the U.S. view: the
door to NATO enlargement stays open so long as there are European countries
ready and willing to shoulder the responsibilities of NATO membership.
So for us, three countries now, but other countries later. At the Summit,
we will make that open door very clear, very realistic, very palpable.</FONT></FONT>
<CENTER>
<H4>
<B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">HISTORIC CHANGES</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">To that end, we are moving
forward with our new Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council, involving all members
of the Partnership for Peace. We are taking the Partnership for Peace,
the most successful, indeed the flagship venture, of NATO, and making it
even stronger, both as a vehicle for the preparation of applicant countries
and as a vehicle that will provide a deep, permanent, close relationship
between our NATO family and those countries that will not join NATO now,
or that perhaps never will seek NATO membership.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">We have also concluded,
and will make effective over time, the NATO-Russia Founding Act, recognizing
that Russia's security is as important as everything else that we are doing,
and underscoring the effort to draw Russia out of its isolation to play
a full and legitimate part in European security. The NATO-Ukrainian Charter,
now initialed, will also be signed at Madrid. And the restructuring of
the Alliance, following the long-term study, will both prepare the Alliance
to deal with the future and enable the Western European Union to become
effective for the first time.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Our eight-part agenda, plus
our efforts in Bosnia, constitute a single package with a single theme:
security for all, deeply engaged, with the U.S. remaining here as a European
power now and forever.</FONT></FONT>
<CENTER>
<H4>
<B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">PROBLEMS, RISKS, AND CHALLENGES</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">While we are moving steadily
forward, there are problems, risks, and challenges.</FONT></FONT>
<UL>
<LI>
<FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">First, we must ensure that
what the 16 Allies are trying to do is cemented in the political structures
and public opinion of our countries. NATO enlargement is not about governments;
it is about parliaments, it is about peoples. We need a two-thirds vote
in the United States Senate: we <I>will</I> succeed in the United States.
But it is important that we succeed in each and every one of the Allied
countries.</FONT></FONT></LI>
</UL>
<FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">It is equally important that
there be strong public opinion, strong political support, in the countries
that are seeking to join NATO. This will ensure that these countries join
wholeheartedly and without reservation, and that their commitment is sustainable
politically beyond the drama of the moment.</FONT></FONT>
<UL>
<LI>
<FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Second, the Allied countries
must be willing to commit those resources necessary to make enlargement
effective. Not only must we be willing to meet those requirements in each
of our 16 countries, but each Ally, each one, must fulfill the commitments
we have already made to implement a policy of reinforcement if that is
required. Without resources, there can be no serious enlargement.</FONT></FONT></LI>

<LI>
<FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Third, the new Allies must
be willing to show a tangible commitment to security and to playing their
full and equal roles as Allies. But we are not asking them to prepare to
fight or to engage in a new Cold War�this is precisely what we are attempting
to prevent by building security for all. However, all of the new Allies
and aspirants must show they are prepared to adopt NATO's standards, become
interoperable with us, provide for their own security, and show that they
are serious about this relationship. For the U.S., they must be able to
demonstrate to our Congress that they are serious about joining the NATO
Alliance.</FONT></FONT></LI>

<LI>
<FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Fourth, as we look to the future,
we must be certain that we do not see a hollowing out of this great Alliance.
We must meet our military commitments, and we must continue to build and
to sustain in the public as well as in the private sector defense industries
and defense engagements that will give us a solid basis for the future.
We can have no renationalization of defense, but we can also have no hollowing
out of the defense relationship. This means we must build a transatlantic
defense relationship in the private sector to sustain what we do in the
public sector. Indeed, I would argue that the role of the private sector,
in Central Europe and beyond, is going to be equal to if not more consequential
than what is done by the public sector.</FONT></FONT></LI>

<LI>
<FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Fifth, we must put into practice
the work we have just begun. Most important in terms of innovation at NATO
will be the functioning of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council, building
a deep and solid Partnership for Peace, ensuring that the NATO-Russia Permanent
Joint Council <I>is</I> a serious venture, and ensuring the primacy of
the North Atlantic Council for making decisions for the Alliance and putting
them into effect.</FONT></FONT></LI>

<LI>
<FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Sixth, SFOR has a year left
in Bosnia to get it right�to continue the extraordinary success that we
have had for more than 550 days, but also to make sure that the civilian
side will support the military effort so that the peoples of Bosnia will
have a chance to look towards a positive future.</FONT></FONT></LI>

<LI>
<FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Seventh, we must look to new
challenges. We must face up to the rising risks of the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction, of the challenges coming from new directions.
Yes, we must look towards the south and towards the east in Europe and
in the Mediterranean region as new challenges arise.</FONT></FONT></LI>

<LI>
<FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Eighth, the European Union
must also fulfill its role, its destiny, in this part of the world, or
what we do at NATO will not succeed.</FONT></FONT></LI>

<LI>
<FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">And finally, ninth, as part
of the very rich, very daunting, but very positive agenda, we must work
in the future as diligently as we are working today. Because this agenda
has a purpose�no less than building for the 21st century a common security
that can in some part redeem the tragedies of the 20th century.</FONT></FONT></LI>
</UL>

<CENTER><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">CONCLUDING REMARKS</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>


<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">I have no doubt that every
Workshop participant is part of that agenda. And I have no doubt that we
will meet history's test, so that in 50 years people will look back and
judge us as we judge those of 50 years past, and say that we recognized
our historic responsibility and that we were equal to it.</FONT></FONT>

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