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   <TITLE>Paul J. Hoeper</TITLE>
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<CENTER><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+3>U.S.
Perspectives on Transatlantic</FONT></FONT></FONT></CENTER>

<CENTER><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+3>Armaments
Cooperation</FONT></FONT></FONT></CENTER>

<CENTER><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+2>United
States Deputy Under Secretary of Defense Paul J. Hoeper</FONT></FONT></FONT></CENTER>

<CENTER>
<H4>
<B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">THE NEW GLOBAL DEFENSE NEEDS</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The world order of the past
half-century, which we called the Cold War, led both sides to develop superb
defense industries�industries with remarkable capabilities and vast capacities.
To the relief of all, that balance of terror has ended. But the capacity
of global defense industries is now out of balance with the budgets for
perceived defense needs.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Two economic consequences
occur when capacity exceeds demand: lower prices and lower profits. If
excess capacity continues, companies generally take one of two courses:
they lay off workers in an attempt to restore profits by lowering costs;
or they lower prices in an attempt to stimulate demand from countries that
were not previously customers. Companies that take the second route hope
to expand their market share enough to restore profit levels. The present
excess capacity in the global defense-industrial base is putting governments
squarely between the domestic political evil of unemployment and the foreign
policy evil of proliferation.</FONT></FONT>
<CENTER>
<H4>
<B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">RESTRUCTURING IN THE U.S.
DEFENSE INDUSTRY</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Four years ago, the U.S. Department
of Defense recognized that the U.S. domestic armaments capacity exceeded
its demand. Then-Deputy Secretary of Defense Bill Perry got in touch with
a dozen defense industry chief executive officers and invited them to dinner
at the Pentagon. Dr. Perry told these executives that there were twice
as many of them in the room as he expected to see in five years, and that
the U.S. government was prepared to stand by and watch defense companies
go out of business. This dinner is known around the Pentagon as the �Last
Supper.�</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">If the mergers being considered
between Boeing and McDonnell Douglas and Hughes and Raytheon go through,
15 of America's top defense companies will have become four: Lockheed Martin,
Boeing, Raytheon, and Northrop Grumman. These companies have not simply
merged, they have restructured by closing excess facilities and by cutting
their work forces.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The 20 or so mergers in
the U.S. aerospace and electronics sector during the 1990s have cut 1.8
million jobs from the defense sector. Fortunately, our economy has been
robust enough to absorb this job loss. In fact, the United States has created
more jobs than it lost during the present decade and our unemployment stands
near a post-World War II low.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">But I do not want to minimize
the pain that some workers have felt. The average skilled assembly worker
who is laid off often needs a year to find a new job that pays an average
of $19,000 per year less than he or she received before. Our government�and
our aerospace companies�care about these workers.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">But America's defense industry
has had to restructure out of necessity. Our defense budget has fallen
dramatically since 1985�both in real terms and as a percentage of GDP.
As a percentage of GDP, it is now about 3%. This is the lowest percentage
in half a century. And while present world conditions prevail, the defense
budget is not likely to grow; at best, it may continue at about 3% of GDP.
Because the security interests of the United States cannot be properly
maintained if the American people have to pay the costs of excess capacity,
we have had to stand by and watch companies leave the defense sector. We
simply cannot stay strong militarily and economically by paying more for
less.</FONT></FONT>
<CENTER>
<H4>
<B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">RESTRUCTURING IN THE EUROPEAN
DEFENSE INDUSTRY</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Excess capacity in the global
arms industry, declining defense budgets, and the rapid restructuring of
the U.S. industry have caused Europe, through initiatives proposed by France,
to look at ways it too can deal with the changes that have taken place
in the defense sector during the last decade. Along with downsizing and
privatization initiatives, Europeans have formed organizations to manage
cooperative ventures among different countries. The ultimate goal of combining
their resources is to become more competitive and focus resources more
sharply.</FONT></FONT>
<CENTER>
<H4>
<B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The Development of Organizations
to Manage Cooperative Ventures</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">National Armaments Directors,
meeting as the Western European Armaments Group, formed a management organization,
the Western European Armaments Agency (WEAO), as a subordinate body of
WEU. Its goal is to eventually create a European armaments agency. WEAO
will start by coordinating member participation in some 40 ongoing armaments
research and development projects and by assuming responsibility for new
cooperative projects.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">France, Germany, Italy,
and the UK have created another organization, the Organization for Joint
Cooperation in Armaments (JACO, also known by the French acronym OCCAR).
This agency is a follow-on to the French-German Armaments Agency proposed
two years ago. JACO's purpose is to increase efficiency and reduce the
costs of developing and producing weapons systems for its members; it eventually
plans to manage cooperative weapons programs for national procurement agencies.
JACO programs will be run by integrated teams and a single director who
will be given the requisite authority to impose decisions on national partners.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">WEAO and JACO are two examples
of the integration process Europe is following in order to more closely
coordinate national armaments programs that in turn will allow its armaments
industry to remain competitive in the world market. If the Europeans can
work out their differences, the long-term result should help lead to a
healthy defense industry that is a much more viable competitor and partner
for U.S. industries in the worldwide armaments market. To the same end,
efforts are continuing to consolidate and rationalize the European defense
industries�efforts that must take place both within and across national
boundaries.</FONT></FONT>
<CENTER>
<H4>
<B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The Need to Go beyond European-wide
Cooperation</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">I have two cautions regarding
this work. First, it is not enough to privatize companies nor to merge
them; neither privatizing nor merging automatically eliminates excess capacity.
Painful choices about closing excess facilities and rationalizing labor
forces must be made. Second, if the formation of WEAO and JACO is accompanied
by the imposition of national preference rules, then we are headed in an
extremely unproductive direction.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">There is also a need to
advance industrial cooperation with the nations of the former Warsaw Pact,
a step that is now becoming a reality. The Western defense industry has
started to invest capital and technology in the Central and Eastern European
production capacity because it sees the potential residing in the region's
talented and educated work forces.</FONT></FONT>
<CENTER><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">&nbsp;</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>

<CENTER><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">DEVELOPING INDUSTRIAL
PARTNERSHIPS WITH NATO MEMBERS</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>

<CENTER><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">AND FORMER WARSAW
PACT COUNTRIES</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>


<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">On the government side,
the strengthening of our political relationships with the former Warsaw
Pact nations over the past seven years has resulted in new opportunities
for all concerned. Industrial partnerships are now forming. We are working
hard to improve not only military but also industrial interoperability.
In the U.S. we are moving to adopt the use of international commercial
standards for our own defense procurements, part of a trend away from unique
military standards that will help industries adapt to producing NATO-compatible
equipment. We are releasing hundreds of standards that provide the information
necessary for manufacturing NATO-standard equipment. We have also invited
NATO partners to join the CALS effort so that they can move toward a common
and single-use defense armaments data system. And we have opened to full
participation by NATO Partner nations several NATO committees that deal
with the infrastructure supporting defense acquisition, codification, quality
assurance, contracting, and material standards.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">As part of this effort,
however, the governments of Central Europe must do their share. First and
foremost, they must create business climates that promote private investment.
Here in the Czech Republic, the government is doing exactly that, as evidenced
by the willingness of the Western defense industry to invest in the Czech
Republic's only airframe manufacturer, Aero Vodochody.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">In addition, Central European
nations must put in place a defense procurement system that is open and
transparent: a system in which competitors can feel comfortable that if
they submit the most cost-effective proposal, they will win any competition.
A procurement system that does not measure up to this standard, that does
not give companies the confidence that their proposals will be considered
on their merits, will not attract first-rate competition.</FONT></FONT>
<CENTER>
<H4>
<B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">AVOIDING A �PRISONER'S DILEMMA�
SITUATION</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">If we fail to reduce the world's
excess capacity for defense articles, or if we wind up with a U.S. market
that is closed to European defense articles and a European market that
is closed to U.S. defense articles, we could find ourselves in an economic
�prisoner's dilemma��where rational individuals defect to a position that
is irrational for the community as a whole�which could encourage weapons
proliferation. For example, a company official might say, �I would never
sell this weapons technology to Country X. Except that I know Y will. So,
since Country X is going to get the capability anyway, I may as well get
the sale �� All competitors might think this way, and Country X would wind
up with the capability in question, even though it might be harmful to
the security posture in the region. In fact, the sale might even be made
at an unprofitable price for the selling industry. While I am not suggesting
that all companies and governments would succumb to the �prisoner's dilemma,�
powerful economic forces would lead them in this direction.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">What can be done to avoid
this situation? The only reliable solution is cooperation in the defense
armaments field. So how must we proceed? First, as our panel of defense
ministers has suggested, nations should begin the armaments cooperation
process early�initiating discussions on common military needs before formal
requirements are locked in. Plans for armaments cooperation should begin
before any country has identified a specific company to perform the work.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Second, we should plan to
buy systems in a competitive environment. We should buy from competing
teams that include industrial participants from each partner country, and
not force one nation's industry to compete against another's. In this way
we can realize the benefits of competition without creating the political
unease that results from competitions in which some participants might
not receive an equitable work share. We can encourage competition between
companies instead of between parliaments.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The U.S. and our European
partners are using this model of competition in the Medium Extended Air
Defense System (MEADS). We hope to do the same in the production phase
of the Multifunctional Information Distribution System (MIDS) program.
We would also like to use competing teams throughout the production phase
of any cooperative program, using a 'leader-follower" scheme. By creating
a true partnership among the nations acquiring a system, we would be able
to produce and obtain interoperable equipment that incorporates the cooperating
nations' best technologies and capabilities in a way that maximizes economic
value and minimizes the threat of proliferation.</FONT></FONT>
<CENTER>
<H4>
<B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">THE NEED FOR TRANSATLANTIC
COOPERATION</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The end of the Cold War should
not�and need not�signal the beginning of a trade war in defense armaments.
With cooperation we should be able to secure the benefits of military interoperability
as well as the benefits of the world's best technologies. But these benefits
can be achieved only if cooperation is transatlantic. We in the United
States believe that this cooperative approach is the optimum way for all
NATO members to meet the needs of our forces in the 21st century. We have
already set our course this way, and, judging by the favorable reaction
in a recent edition of <I>The Economist</I>, we are headed in the right
direction. With your help we will continue down this road to a new era
in defense armaments cooperation.</FONT></FONT>

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