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<TITLE>Werner Fasslabend</TITLE>
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<CENTER><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+3">Windows
on European Security</FONT></FONT></FONT></CENTER>
<CENTER><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+2">Minister
of Defense of Austria Dr. Werner Fasslabend</FONT></FONT></FONT></CENTER>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">A NEW ERA</FONT></FONT></B></H4>
</CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The signing of the
Founding Act on Mutual Relations, Cooperation, and Security between NATO
and the Russian Federation has brought an end to the post-Cold War era and
is ushering in--reinforced by the Madrid Summit--a new period
characterized by joint efforts to cope with the challenges of European
security in the 21st century. These two historic events will fundamentally
change the European system and create opportunities previously
unimaginable. For the first time, European security will be based neither
on hegemonic strife nor on a balance-of-power concept. The European
nations are free to establish an all-European system of cooperation,
partnership, and integration, long wished for by each and every state, and
are ready to back it with their full and enthusiastic support.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">WINDOWS OF
OPPORTUNITY</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Because of the new reality
in Europe, a number of windows of opportunity are now wide open:</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The consolidation of
the new democracies' independence without undesired interference from
outside.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Stability in Europe and
mutually beneficial relations with the intent of creating a lasting
partnership between the Russian Federation and Western Europe.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The development of the
European Security and Defense Identity (ESDI) in close cooperation with
the United States.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The chance to avoid
conflicts altogether or at least to embark on crisis management at the
earliest possible stage, before parties to a conflict resort to force.</FONT></FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">In short, the situation is
very favorable to bringing lasting peace and stability to the
Euro-Atlantic region.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">EUROPEAN SECURITY
CHALLENGES</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Peace and stability,
however, will be achieved only by the timely creation of a comprehensive
security architecture. Such an architecture, in its initial phase, will
need to accomplish the following tasks:</FONT></FONT> </P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Prevent new armed
conflicts in the Balkans, which remains a turbulent region and poses a
major risk to European stability, at least for the foreseeable future.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Raise the new
democracies to the democratic, economic, and social standards of the
European Union and smoothly integrate them into the community.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Secure and harmonize
the integration process, which is taking place at varying speeds.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Continue the
involvement of the Russian Federation, Ukraine, and other relevant CIS
states with the structures of European cooperation while supporting them
in their reform processes.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><BR>
<FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Establish mutual
confidence and cooperation between the European states and the countries
in North Africa and the Middle East, particularly because of the
millions of Muslims living in Europe.</FONT></FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">These tasks will be
completed only through a joint and equal effort by Europe, Russia, and the
U.S. And it goes without saying that in this context Europe must speak
with one voice.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">STUMBLING BLOCKS</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">It would be naive to the
extreme to assume that a workable all-European security architecture can
be developed easily. It cannot even be taken for granted that such a
system can be developed at all. Disappointment and frustration on the part
of key players, caused by less than optimal functioning of the existing
relationships, seem to pose the greatest risks at this time. Particular
problems that might cause frustration include:</FONT></FONT> </P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">For the United States,
the all too complex handling that is necessary for an expanded NATO,
possibly leading to a withdrawal of U.S. commitment to the European
integration process and to partnership with Russia.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">For the Russian
Federation, the fact that despite having a voice it does not
automatically have a vote.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">For Ukraine, the fact
that it is lagging behind in the European integration process.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">For the European
countries, the fact of American dominance, with the Russians sitting on
the fence.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">For the new,
first-round NATO member-states, the awareness of greater attention being
paid to Russia, at least by the U.S., than to them.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">For those countries not
chosen for first-round NATO accession at the Madrid Summit, a lack of
certainty about a second round.</FONT></FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Because of the
disappointment that might result from these scenarios, the above-mentioned
windows of opportunity could close, fostering, in turn, nationalistic
movements in both Eastern and Western Europe. Such renationalization would
prepare the ground for tension and conflict within Europe and beyond,
triggering a deterioration of the political climate among all nations
concerned.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">RESPONSIBILITIES</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">In order to prevent
detrimental developments from occurring, it is of paramount importance for
all concerned to do their share:</FONT></FONT> </P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The United States must
provide Europe, in its present stage of integration, with needed
political guidance as well as military assets. It must not, however,
resort to hegemonic tendencies, which would be counterproductive for
Europe, the America-Russia relationship, and, consequently, for the U.S.
itself.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The Russian Federation
must act in accordance with the principles stipulated and reiterated in
the NATO-Russia Founding Act, in particular those regarding cooperative
security and democracy. The more the federation shares in common
objectives and tenets, the more it will gain influence by having a <I>de
facto</I> vote. It is Russia itself that will decide whether or not new
dividing lines are to be drawn on the Continent.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Ukraine must become
aware of the dual function it must play because of its history and
strategic location. It must bridge the gap between Russia and Central
Europe, which will simultaneously contribute to the maintenance of its
own cohesion, a crucial factor for European stability.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The European countries
must live by the rule "Public need before private greed."
Eventually they will come to understand that such behavior serves their
national interests best. It remains to be seen whether or not France
will reintegrate with NATO's military command structures, a step that
will decide the fate of ESDI.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The new, first-round
NATO members must continue on their paths with caution and prudence,
remembering that it was their sense of responsibility for regional
stability that made them eligible for NATO in the first place.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Those applicant states
not chosen at the Madrid Summit should not give up, but instead
concentrate their efforts towards membership. Not being short-listed for
NATO membership should not result in a discontinuance of reform efforts.</FONT></FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Failure by just one of the
players mentioned could ultimately cause a domino theory-style chain
reaction.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">TAKING ADVANTAGE OF
THE WINDOWS OF OPPORTUNITY</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">I believe that all players
in the European arena must become aware of the benefits the current
windows of opportunity offer, and the fact that they require different
approaches of varying duration. Taking the right step at the right moment
is of great importance. This, however, is even more difficult today than
it was during the Cold War. The common-threat scenario of those days,
which acted as negative motivation for a common-security policy, must now
be replaced by the promotion and acceleration of the European integration
process, particularly by readjusting defense policies to the new
realities. Because the military's role in national defense has become more
and more improbable, defense assets may now be redirected towards
improving stability. In other words, for the first time in history, forces
can afford to not merely react to threats but to actively shape security
policy, thereby preventing threats altogether.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">As in any transition
period, the present one calls for rethinking old concepts, including those
concerning security policy. Politicians as well as military planners must
be challenged to make necessary adjustments. And they must accept the fact
that change can be achieved only as a result of a thorough learning
process, which, of course, will take time.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">On their road to change,
the international community has already made considerable progress. This
includes:</FONT></FONT> </P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">A decision, in the case
of Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, to take comprehensive action, i.e.,
on both political and military levels, at quite a late point in time.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Preventive deployment
of UNPREDEP, in Macedonia, at the earliest possible stage, for crisis
management.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Reaction to the
situation in Albania at a point somewhere between the time of reaction
in the first two examples.</FONT></FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The <I>ultimo ratio</I>
of security policy, however, cannot be crisis management, but rather the
prevention of crises that might lead to armed conflicts. In this respect,
NATO's readiness to open itself to new members can truly be considered a
shining example of the learning capability of the international community
as it is focused on long-term fundamental change in the geopolitical,
political, economic, and military situation in and around Europe, rather
than on short-term trouble-shooting. In other words, what counts is
action, not reaction.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Once such an approach is
recognized throughout Europe, this new way of thinking will shape the
Continent and redefine its security.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">TIMING AS AN ELEMENT
OF A SECURITY ARCHITECTUREíS SUCCESS</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The success of the
European security architecture will depend on the early successes of the
new European configuration, whose design will be finalized at the Madrid
Summit. The year following this Summit will be decisive for the
effectiveness of cooperation among EU, WEU, NATO, the Russian Federation,
and Ukraine. A window of opportunity has now opened for these players as
they face a well-known but solvable problem, namely the future of SFOR,
about which a decision must be made by mid-1998. This decision will
illustrate how efficient the new configuration really is, and might yield
the same results as NATO's commitment did in Bosnia.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The Bosnia experience
forced NATO to redefine its role faster than it otherwise would have done,
and enabled the Alliance to gain self-confidence. Similarly, the actors in
the new security architecture might profit from finding themselves in a
situation calling for joint decisions and swift actions, which would act
as a catalyst, speeding up the European integration process. Since NATO
has not been weakened, but rather strengthened, by its commitment in the
former Yugoslavia, the new configuration should also earn dividends from a
wholehearted commitment.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">SMALLER COUNTRIES'
CONTRIBUTIONS</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The players in the new
configuration will be able to develop the attitude necessary for such a
commitment only if they can act on equal terms. Whether or not this will
be possible depends, to a considerable extent, on the future role of
Central Europe's smaller countries. I believe their political, economic,
and military integration into the Euro-Atlantic community is necessary for
three particular reasons:</FONT></FONT> </P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">In order to transform
Europe from its present politically inactive role into an agent of world
politics.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">To enable a
well-balanced Euro-Atlantic relationship.</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">To tie Russia tightly
to European structures while preventing it from resorting to hegemonic
tendencies.</FONT></FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">It should be noted that by
and large the new democracies are well on their way to European
integration.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">AUSTRIA'S ROLE</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The integration efforts of
EU, WEU, and NATO member-states should be harmonized with the
performances, but also the expectations, of the new democracies. But
however it proceeds, the integration process must not come to a halt
because this would inevitably result in an increase in nationalistic
tendencies.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Austria fully supports an
integration process aimed at establishing all-European stability.
Presently, special consideration must be given to those countries not
chosen in the first round of NATO accession in order to prevent them from
relapsing into anti-democratic behavior. For this reason, cooperation
between these countries and EU, WEU, and NATO must be intensified.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Austria has a vested
interest in the success of the European integration process because it is
located in the center of the continent, where stability and instability
meet. Our position has afforded us special opportunities as well as
increased responsibility for the building of a new European security
order.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">It goes without saying
that the reorientation of Austria's security policy from neutrality to
solidarity will be a gradual process. We have already taken decisive steps
in this direction by joining EU (thereby accepting without reservation the
goals of CFSP), gaining observer status in WEU, and participating in PFP.
The decision on our next step toward integration will be made in 1998,
after the government submits a special report to parliament. This report
will speak to all options leading to Austria's participation in a workable
European security structure--participation that is on the equal footing
pointed out as an objective in the current coalition pact. Who would doubt
that NATO will be an essential part of a workable European security
structure?</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER>
<H4><B><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">CONCLUSION</FONT></FONT></B></H4></CENTER>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The end of the post-Cold
War era has brought about the chance to establish a new world order, one
that is equally borne by Russia, the United States, and Europe. The most
essential precondition for such a world order is the readiness to
cooperate and integrate to the extent necessary for the maintenance of
stability. This is especially true for Europe, which has yet to define its
global role.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">The new era has also
brought with it the opportunity for an all-European security architecture
that is greater than ever before. By the turn of the century we will know
whether we have been able to take advantage of this unique opportunity. We
therefore challenge those countries that have not yet been able or willing
to fully participate in establishing and maintaining European order to
show a clear commitment to integration.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT FACE="Palatino"><FONT COLOR="#000000">Austria will do its
share--including militarily--and make the necessary contributions to
stability which, because of its geographic location, only Austria can do.
I will personally do my utmost and extend my best efforts to this end.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
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