|
Server : Apache/2.4.62 System : FreeBSD fbsdweb2.web.rcn.net 14.1-RELEASE FreeBSD 14.1-RELEASE releng/14.1-n267679-10e31f0946d8 GENERIC amd64 User : www ( 80) PHP Version : 8.3.8 Disable Function : NONE Directory : /domains/roger.dnai/96Pictures/94Book/ |
Upload File : |
<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//SoftQuad//DTD HoTMetaL PRO 4.0::19971010::extensions to HTML 4.0//EN"
"hmpro4.dtd">
<HTML>
<HEAD>
<META HTTP-EQUIV="Content-Type" CONTENT="text/html; charset=iso-8859-1">
<META NAME="GENERATOR"
CONTENT="Mozilla/4.03 (Macintosh; I; 68K) [Netscape]">
<TITLE>Ukranian Ambassador Volodymyr Vassylenko...Ukraine's Security and
the International Environment</TITLE>
</HEAD>
<BODY BGCOLOR="#FFFFFF" BGPROPERTIES="FIXED">
<CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+4">Ukraine's Security and the
International Environment</FONT></FONT></CENTER>
<CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+3">Ukranian Ambassador
Volodymyr Vassylenko</FONT></FONT></CENTER>
<CENTER></CENTER>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">UKRAINE AND THE NEW
SECURITY ARCHITECTURE</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Ukraine became an independent
actor on the international stage almost three years ago after the collapse
of the USSR. Since then, Ukraine has been seeking its place in the
European security environment while contributing to the construction of a
new security architecture. We are trying to develop friendly relations
with all our neighbors, other states, and international organizations; we
are complying strictly with the generally recognized principles of
international law. Ukraine maintains full-scale diplomatic relations with
the majority of states, actively participates in a number of international
institutions, including the U.N., NACC, and the CSCE, and has rapidly
established eleven embassies and missions abroad.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Ukraine pursues its
international relations without any intent to harm the legitimate
interests of other states. We lay no territorial claims against any state
despite the existence of a Ukrainian minority in all our neighboring
countries. We have started on the road of unilateral nuclear disarmament
in order to become a non-nuclear weapon state. We support U.N. Security
Council resolutions on the former Yugoslavia, cooperating with U.N. and
NATO peacekeeping in this region.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">We are following a balanced
approach to securing our economic needs by developing economic relations
with both the European Union and the CIS. On 14 June 1994, Ukraine signed
the Agreement on Partnership and Cooperation with the European Union. Two
months earlier, we signed the Agreement on Associated Membership with the
CIS Economic Union. But Ukraine stands fast against any attempts to use
the CIS as a tool for reviving the Russian empire. The Alma-Ata
Declaration adopted on 21 December 1991 stated that the Commonwealth is "neither
a state nor a supra-state entity." Consequently, Ukraine did not sign
the CIS Charter or the documents that created the Commonwealth
Parliamentary Assembly, Council of Foreign Ministers, and Council of
Defense Ministers. We also did not sign the Tashkent Agreement on the CIS
Collective Security because we oppose the creation of new military blocs
and new divisions in Europe.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Ukraine is one of the twenty
states that joined the Partnership for Peace. On May 25, Ukraine delivered
its Presentation Document. By signing the Agreement on Partnership and
cooperating with the European Union, Ukraine reaffirmed its fundamental
political priority of rejoining the family of European nations from which
we were artificially separated.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">We are also working on internal
problems, overcoming economic difficulties, solving social problems,
getting rid of the remnants of the old political system, and building a
new democratic, pluralistic society that functions according to the rule
of law. The Ukrainian government does not use tanks as a means of
persuading its political opponents, and respects and protects minority
rights. Currently, there are no ethnic clashes or armed conflicts within
Ukraine.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Nevertheless, the potential now
exists for serious conflict in our area, the very center of Europe,
because of the following factors:</FONT></FONT> </P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Economic disorder in Ukraine;</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Russia's illegal claims on
Ukraine; and</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The distancing of the West
from Ukraine.</FONT></FONT></LI>
</UL>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">INTERNAL ECONOMIC
DISORDER</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The greatest threat to Ukraine's
security lies in its severe economic crisis and the slow pace of market
reform. The crisis began during the Soviet era and grew because of the
lack of economic reform. It precludes real Western assistance and closer
economic ties to Central and Eastern Europe while contributing to
Ukraine's continuing dependency upon the Russian economy and CIS trade.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The considerable economic
difficulties caused by the economic crisis--fall of production, drop of
GNP, balance of payments deficit, hyperinflation, and low wages--continue
to prevent the Ukrainian people from supporting government efforts aimed
at implementing market reform, deepening democratic processes, and
preserving the country's territorial integrity and independent statehood.
Some politicians are exploiting the economic situation to foment
separatist movements within Ukraine, e.g., in the Crimea, or to call for
the restoration of the USSR.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER></CENTER>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">A HOSTILE RUSSIAN
STANCE</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Much of the Russian political
elite considers Ukrainian statehood and independence to be unwanted and
temporary and is pressuring Ukraine to give up its status as an
independent state. This pressure started immediately after 24 August 1991,
when the Ukrainian Parliament proclaimed independence. The Russian
president's press secretary stated then that Russia reserved the right to
reconsider its frontiers with Ukraine if the latter should quit the USSR.
While negotiations in Kiev in August 1991 settled the conflict caused by
this statement, Russia continued, in one form or another, to stake
territorial claims on Ukraine. For example, there were attempts to force
Ukraine into signing an agreement on economic union, viewed as a prelude
to a new political agreement that would renew the central structures under
Boris Yeltsin's leadership.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Disregarding the fact that over
90% of Ukraine's population and 50% of the Crimea's population voted in
favor of Ukraine's independence, Russia stepped up its pressure on
Ukraine. The propaganda campaign against Ukraine in the Russian press was
soon accompanied by open interference in Ukraine's internal affairs. The
goal was to encourage separatist forces, particularly in the Crimea, where
the population is predominantly ethnic Russian. Influential Russian
officials and parliamentarians began visiting the Crimea and speaking
publicly in favor of its separation from Ukraine. Unilaterally, the
Russian Supreme Soviet adopted a resolution abolishing the Acts of 1954,
which had set up the agreement between Ukraine and Russia for the transfer
of the Crimea to Ukraine. Moreover, on 9 July 1993, the Supreme Soviet
passed an ill-fated resolution on the status of the city of Sevastopol
that made direct territorial claims upon Ukraine: it charged the
government of Russia to work out a program of support to Sevastopol that
would preserve it as the main naval base to be used by "the
indivisible Black Sea Fleet." This decision by the Russian Parliament
violates universally recognized principles of international law and
interferes in Ukraine's internal affairs.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Russia also insists on
introducing dual citizenship in the newly independent states despite an
international trend in the opposite direction. Russia claims its intent is
to make available Russian citizenship to those ethnic Russians who are
already citizens of other states. It is quite clear that, under the
pretext of securing the needs of its citizens, Russia would actually be
establishing a precondition for direct interference in the internal
affairs of other states. Such interference would be particularly dangerous
in Ukraine where about 10 million ethnic Russians live.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The propelling force behind
Russia's behavior towards the states of the former USSR is the
centuries-old imperial mentality of the Russians, particularly the Russian
political and military elite. As it has done in the past, Russia tries to
ensure its own national interests at the expense of the national interests
of other states, even encroaching upon other states' independent
existence. But a number of factors that drive Russia's behavior are
specific only to Ukrainian-Russian relations.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">First, a unique phenomenon
arises from the origin and development of the statehood of both Ukraine
and Russia. The renewal of the independence of Ukraine ruins the myth of
the 1000-year old Russian state. Russians generally identify their ancient
history with Kievan Rus. But Kievan Rus was a state of the Ukrainian
people, which reached the peak of its power before Moscow--Russia's
capital--even existed. According to the testimonies of ancient annals,
chronicles, and maps, the word "Rus," up to the eighteenth
century, was used to indicate Ukraine; the present-day Russia was called "Moscovia,"
from the name of the Moscow principality. After establishing its colonial
rule in Ukraine at the end of the Seventeenth century, Russia also
appropriated the country's name and history. This was an attempt to prove
the antiquity of its own statehood, in order to achieve equal status with
other great European powers. For more than 300 years, Russia did
everything to convince itself and others that Ukraine constitutes merely a
part of Russia, and that Ukrainians are a sub-species of Russians. This is
the reason for the attacks on the Ukrainian language, culture, tradition,
and religion; distortion and suppression of Ukrainian history; and a
policy of Russification aimed at depriving Ukrainians of their historical
memory and national identity.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Because of its geopolitical
position and potential, Ukraine has played an extremely important role in
the formation, development, and disintegration of both Russian and Soviet
empires. The incorporation of Ukrainian territory into Russia, which was
initiated by the Pereyaslav Treaty of 1654, strengthened Russia's
position, moved it closer to European borders, and, during the eighteenth
century, helped transform a distant and little-known Moscow tsardom into a
great European power. In the twentieth century, the Ukrainian factor
turned out to be a decisive one when the Russian empire crumbled in 1917,
the USSR was born in 1922, and then formally collapsed in 1991.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">In the view of Zbigniew
Brzezinski, the geopolitical significance of the emergence of an
independent Ukraine could be compared with the changes that took place in
Europe after World War II. The final disintegration of the Soviet
totalitarian empire, the destruction of its military machine, and the
creation of a strip of independent states along the Russian-European
border between the Black Sea and the Baltic Sea are the main consequences
of this event. Ukraine, because of its large population,vast and
strategically situated territory, rich natural resources, powerful
industrial and scientific potential, developed transport systems, and
convenient transit routes, occupies a special place among the newly
independent states. Before the disintegration of the USSR, Ukraine played
an important role in the Soviet imperial system. Nearly 20% of Russian
industrial products were manufactured in Ukraine. Ukrainian agriculture
was the main supplier of Russia's food. A considerable part of Russia's
transit to Europe passed through Ukraine, particularly pipelines and
electric power networks. More than one third of the Soviet military and
industrial complex was located on Ukrainian territory, including
enterprises producing missiles, aircrafts, tanks, naval vessels, and
ammunition. Ukrainians formed a considerable part of the Soviet armed
forces personnel, especially of the elite units; the task groups aimed at
the West were located in the Western and Southwestern regions of Ukraine.
Thus, Russian behavior is an effort to renew the empire's military and
industrial complex, preserve traditional demographic resources for the
formation of armed forces, and keep strategically important territories
under Russian control.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Because of Ukraine's
geopolitical position and potential, Russia cannot renew its empire and
dominate Central and Eastern Europe without involving Ukraine. But the
renewal of an empire on the geopolitical space of the former USSR would
threaten Ukraine and vital Western interests, too. This is because the
emergence of a totalitarian state in the Euro-Asian region would violate
human rights and enable the formation of an enormous army with global
hegemonic ambitions.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER></CENTER>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">LACK OF WESTERN
COOPERATION AND SUPPORT FOR UKRAINE</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Ukraine's security needs are
also affected by the West's rather cautious attitude, which underestimates
the Ukrainian factor. Western powers have concentrated their attention on
Russia, conducting a "Russia first" or even a "Russia only"
policy. Until recently, the West's relations with Ukraine have pivoted on
the nuclear issue. Despite its voluntary consent to become a non-nuclear
weapon state, Ukraine has often been accused of being uncooperative or
even harboring nuclear ambitions. Actually, Ukraine is not in violation of
any non-proliferation policy because operational control of all nuclear
missiles deployed on its territory is, and always has been, in the hands
of Moscow. The Ukrainian government considers its nuclear missiles not as
weapons but as property inherited from the former USSR. If Ukraine is to
give these warheads to Russia, as agreed, Moscow must provide
compensation. Ukraine, then, does not refuse to implement START l or to
join the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty as a non-nuclear-weapon state.
It does insist on obtaining guarantees for its territorial integrity and
the inviolability of its borders and on receiving the material resources
and financial and technical assistance necessary for implementing START l
.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">After the President of Ukraine
signed the Trilateral Statement with the United States and Russia on 14
January 1994, Ukraine's relations with the West began to improve. In
February 1994, Ukraine subscribed to the Partnership for Peace program,
which will enable Ukraine to deepen political dialogue and develop
military cooperation with NATO and its member states. In June 1994,
Ukraine signed a Partnership and Cooperation Agreement with the European
Union. NATO and the EU have declared that an independent, democratic, and
prosperous Ukraine will be an important stabilizing factor in Europe.
Nevertheless, Ukraine is still kept from closer cooperation with the West
because of the existing EU approach that divides Europe into Western
Europe, Central and Eastern Europe, and the CIS region, which includes
Ukraine.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">According to this approach, the
Union develops close political links only with six former Warsaw Pact
members and three Baltic States. This "6+3 formula" practically
excludes Ukraine from the existing mechanism of cooperation among European
institutions. It draws a new dividing line in Europe and discriminates
against the Ukraine. While the formula was devised in a certain historic
context, reflecting the ability of certain Eastern and Central European
states to meet the requirements for associated membership in the European
Economic Community, it does not correspond to present political changes
and needs to be modified when applied to political cooperation.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The Kirchberg meeting of the WEU
Council of Ministers in May of 1994 was widely interpreted as defining the
new boundaries of Europe and as a political strategy to embrace some
Eastern European states and the Baltic States while keeping the door shut
to the former USSR republics. It artificially separates Ukraine from the
rest of Europe, tacitly recognizes that Ukraine belongs to the exclusive
sphere of Russian influence and, thus, encourages aggressive tendencies
toward Ukraine.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER></CENTER>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">REMEDIES FOR UKRAINE'S
SECURITY NEEDS</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The first remedy for Ukraine's
security problems is to overcome the economic crisis by rapidly
introducing market reforms. Ukraine's economy must be reformed by our own
efforts. However, the practical problems are so numerous that we need
immediate, substantial financial and technical assistance from the West.
The assistance is needed temporarily to help overcome the economic crisis
and establish full, equal, and mutually advantageous relations with the
West, the EU member states, and the Union itself. The end of the crisis
will make future Western financial assistance needless and benefit both
Ukraine and the Union. By helping Ukraine recover, the West will make an
investment in its own security and open the door to Ukraine's huge market
and potential.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The second remedy is improvement
and normalization of Ukraine's relationship with Russia. Ukraine is
striving to establish friendly relations with all states and does not
consider itself an enemy of any. This refers to Russia as well. Ukraine
does not make any territorial claims on Russia and fully protects the
national rights of ethnic Russians; Ukraine makes no attempts to interfere
in Russia's internal affairs. Ukraine is ready to implement the conversion
of its military industry, to demilitarize the economy, to reduce the armed
forces, and to acquire the status of a non-nuclear weapon state.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Ukraine's policies have never
been and never will be anti-Russian, only anti-imperialist. While striving
to develop equal and positive neighborly relations with Russia, Ukraine
will continue to resist any encroachment upon its sovereignty. The
difficulties in Ukrainian-Russian relations are not the fault of Ukraine,
but a result of Russia's claims and unwillingness to establish relations
with Ukraine based on generally recognized standards of international law,
particularly those concerning territorial integrity, state succession, and
the protection of national minority rights and citizenship.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Presently, Russia attempts to
renew its empire is a matter of ambition, not a political, military, or
economic need. Russia's claims to our territory are based upon false
concepts from the past which run against the values and principles of
modern society. But, these attempts threaten Ukraine's self-preservation
and the survival of our people as a nation. Russia's claims may even
provoke an armed conflict between Ukraine and Russia with consequences
that are impossible to predict. So, while we stand fast against any
imperialistic encroachments, especially upon our independence, territorial
integrity and borders, Ukraine continues to use all legitimate means to
improve relations with Russia, including the offer to conclude a
comprehensive friendship and cooperation treaty.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The third remedy is strong
international support of Ukraine and an intensification of the political
anti-imperial message to Russia from the international community.Such
support is a reasonable and necessary means of avoiding potential
catastrophic conflict. Influential Western countries and international
organizations could also propose their good offices and mediation in
solving some of the more specific problems in Ukrainian-Russian relations.
This would be an important contribution to securing peace and maintaining
stability in Europe and the world.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Serious political and economic
support of Ukraine by the West would be an investment in its own security
and far less expensive than if Ukraine were to lose its independence.
Historical experience is the proof. At the beginning of the twentieth
century, after the disintegration of the Russian empire, the Ukrainian
People's Republic (UPR) proclaimed its independence. A number of Western
countries recognized the UPR--in particular, France and the United
Kingdom--but did not offer Ukraine any real support in its struggle
against Bolshevist Russia. As a result, Ukrainian independence was lost,
the empire was renewed in the form of the USSR, and Western civilization
found itself facing an extreme threat that has taken hundreds of billions
of dollars to cope with over several decades.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The fourth remedy is closer
involvement of Ukraine in Western security structures, particularly the
WEU, on the same terms offered to other Central and Eastern European
states. For geostrategic, geographic, legal, political, and historical
reasons, Ukraine should be included in the group of Central and East
European states and invited to become an associated partner of the WEU.
This will not only help to remedy Ukraine's security needs, but also:</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">act as a guarantee against
the rebirth of imperialist trends in the region;</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">contribute to stability in
Eastern and Central Europe and facilitate burden-sharing in crisis
management in Europe;</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">enhance the possibilities to
widen Ukraine's military and political relations with all WEU members
and associated partners; and</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">facilitate the elaboration,
adoption, and implementation of further measures in arms control,
disarmament, and non-proliferation, while strengthening confidence and
security in Europe.</FONT></FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0"><A HREF="Vassylenko.htm" TARGET="_document">Go
to Top of Page</A></FONT></FONT> <BR><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0"><A HREF="/94Book/94Workshop.htm">Return
to Os '94 Page</A></FONT></FONT> <BR><A HREF="../index.html">Return to Home Page</A> </P>
</BODY>
</HTML>