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    <TITLE>SACEUR General George A. Joulwan...Building a New NATO</TITLE>
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    <CENTER><FONT SIZE="+4"></FONT><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+4">Building
    a New NATO</FONT></FONT></CENTER>
    <CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+2">General George Joulwan,
    Workshop Honorary General Chairman and</FONT></FONT></CENTER>
    <CENTER><I><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+2">Supreme Allied
    Commander Europe</FONT></FONT></I></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Deputy Secretary General Sergio
      Balanzino opened this year's NATO Workshop by describing several new
      initiatives: the Partnership for Peace, Combined Joint Task Force, and
      Counter Proliferation programs. Belgian Foreign Minister Willy Claes,
      Swedish Foreign Minister af Ugglas, former Congressman and Secretary of
      Defense Les Aspin, and Finnish Ambassador Jaakko Blomberg discussed the
      political and security implications of these initiatives and provided
      views from both the Northern and Central parts of NATO. For my part, I
      would like to give my assessment of where Allied Command Europe is today,
      and where it is going. Although I have few answers, I do have some
      questions and some ideas.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">My remarks will focus on the
      implementation of a new NATO. Much attention has already been devoted to
      the different initiatives resulting from the January 1994 Summit, and we
      have already heard many perspectives on the roles of our new Partners as
      well as the uncertainty and instability that still exist in Europe. I
      would like to make three additional points concerning our changing
      Alliance:</FONT></FONT> </P>
    <UL>
      <LI><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">First, our new NATO missions
        are complex, varied, and resource dependent.</FONT></FONT></LI>
      <LI><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Second, we can achieve
        significant synergy in linking the Combined Joint Task Force and
        Partnership for Peace initiatives.</FONT></FONT></LI>
      <LI><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Third, we need to develop a
        mechanism to work with organizations--such as the U.N. or the WEU--that
        request NATO assets before the decision is made to commit Alliance
        resources.</FONT></FONT></LI>
    </UL>
    <CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">ALLIED COMMAND EUROPE'S
    NEW MISSIONS ARE COMPLEX</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Let me be more specific about
      the first point. Over the past 40 years, we built and maintained a robust
      NATO sustained at a high state of readiness, although quite unlikely to be
      committed. Today, we have drastically reduced the size of the force. In
      some cases, we have cut readiness at the very same time that NATO is
      committed and operating out of area. This situation can be somewhat
      problematic. From a force structure standpoint, peacekeeping operations
      can be more demanding than Cold War operations. Every battalion committed
      to peacekeeping requires two or three battalions to support it.</FONT></FONT>
    </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">We are also working in an
      environment of constrained resources and budgets. In the next two years,
      many nations within the Alliance will reduce their force structures
      anywhere from 20 to 60 percent. Equally troublesome is the cutback in both
      modernization and R&amp;D funds. After years of sacrifice, the people of
      our member nations expect some sort of peace dividend--and rightly so.
      Reductions have been and, I believe, will continue to be severe. Yet our
      requirements continue to grow. I am not hand-wringing, just pointing out
      the facts that we must live with as the mission of the operational arm of
      NATO continues.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">From Norway, at the northern
      boundary of Allied Command Europe, to Turkey, on the southern boundary, we
      are committed in many different ways. In the south, we are in the former
      Yugoslavia doing a non-Article 5 mission. To be more specific, we are
      conducting Operation Deny Flight, in which NATO is enforcing U.N. Security
      Council resolutions with over 200 combat aircraft. In Operation Sharp
      Guard, the enforcement of the U.N.'s maritime embargo, NATO provides
      support with about 25 combat warships. We are also involved in a &quot;be-prepared&quot;
      mission for an operation called Discipline Guard in the event of a
      negotiated settlement. Elsewhere in the Balkans, forces from NATO states
      are supporting Able Sentry in the former Yugoslav republic of Macedonia.
      We have a multinational operation airlifting and airdropping humanitarian
      aid in the former Yugoslavia; it is called Provide Promise. Moreover, we
      have Provide Comfort, a multinational operation in support of the U.N. in
      Turkey. Those are real commitments that draw assets from one single
      pot--Allied Command Europe.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">But there are still more
      requirements and commitments. Let me cite just a few. Part of our mission
      remains to prepare for an Article 5 situation, and that requires
      considerable training. We have now been asked to prepare for a Combined
      Joint Task Force headquarters. Although we are still waiting for clear
      instructions on this, it is, nonetheless, a requirement. We also have the
      Partnership for Peace program, for which 20 Partners had signed up as of
      mid-June 1994. Its impact on the Alliance will be very extensive. And the
      states of the former Soviet Union still have more than 20,000 nuclear
      weapons. Lieutenant General O'Neill and Secretary Aspin have described the
      implications of that fact in terms of theater missile defense.</FONT></FONT>
    </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">All these challenges and
      commitments demonstrate that Allied Command Europe has a much more diverse
      set of missions than ever before. Today, we must determine how to create a
      framework for our various missions--a framework that makes sense both to
      the operating command and to our member nations. We must also determine
      the overall implications of these missions in terms of command, control,
      and resources for the entire integrated military structure.</FONT></FONT>
    </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Let me sum up my first point:
      This is the new NATO, a vastly different Alliance than the one whose
      primary mission was to face an attack from Soviet forces. We must adjust
      to that challenge in terms of missions and resources--requirements and
      contributions. In doing so, we must make good on a unique opportunity to
      create, in our lifetime, a new Europe--one whole and free, from the
      Atlantic to the Urals.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><B><FONT SIZE="+1">CREATING SYNERGY
    BETWEEN COMBINED JOINT TASK FORCE AND PARTNERSHIP FOR PEACE</FONT></B><FONT SIZE="+0"></FONT></FONT></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">We have to be realistic about
      what we are facing. We must make some tough assessments and provide clear
      military advice to the political and military leaders of the Alliance.
      Then, we can take clear, timely, comprehensive political guidance from
      Brussels and use the Partnership for Peace and Combined Joint Task Force
      efforts to prepare to work with our Partners in peacekeeping and
      humanitarian relief activities. If our Partners are going to stand up
      forces to work with NATO in out of area or peacekeeping commitments, it
      also makes sense for those Partners to train to common standards, use
      common procedures, and follow a common doctrine in order to create the
      best conditions for success. Perhaps the Partnership Coordination Cell can
      help provide such doctrine, training, and exercises for interested
      Partners who could later work under a Combined Joint Task Force controlled
      by either NATO or non-NATO. Linking and leveraging the Combined Joint Task
      Force and Partnership for Peace in this way makes excellent sense
      operationally. If we can succeed in attaining such synergy, we will have a
      new NATO, one in which we work with our Partners in a truly proactive and
      productive manner.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">WORKING WITH
    ORGANIZATIONS THAT REQUEST NATO ASSETS</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Now, I would like to turn to my
      third point: how we can work with other organizations, including the U.N.
      or the WEU. Operating with another organization may involve making
      Combined Joint headquarters and other assets available. But, before we
      hand over such resources, we must make sure that we understand that there
      is only one pot--one set of assets from which to draw. The required assets
      for both non-Article 5 and Article 5 missions include combat forces,
      combat support forces, and combat service support forces. When we make
      those resources available in a non-Article 5 area, they may involve only
      10 to 20 percent of our available combat forces but employ 75 to 80
      percent of our available logistics, communications, and intelligence
      forces. This makes things very difficult because there are only a limited
      number of resources from which to draw, and I am responsible to our
      political and military masters for the apportionment of those assets. As
      we look more closely at peace-support operations, we must take into
      consideration the impact they will have on the rest of our missions and
      our strategy.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">I want to underscore the fact
      that many of our most critical assets are in very short supply. It will be
      quite important in the future for us and for all NATO member nations to be
      very much aware of how those shortages affect operational capability. For
      example, every satellite communication (SATCOM) system in Allied Command
      Europe is currently supporting operations in the former Yugoslavia. So, as
      we look at new NATO initiatives and proposals and as we contemplate
      committing more of our forces, we must keep in mind such shortages and the
      continuing needs of commanders across the Alliance. In doing so, we will
      be able to provide both the Military Committee and the North Atlantic
      Council with clear military advice, especially on the apportionment of
      forces, before forces are committed.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">LEADER DEVELOPMENT,
    INTEROPERABILITY, PEACE-SUPPORT OPERATIONS, AND LIAISON</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Let me add a few more thoughts
      before concluding. First, we need to find ways to do better leader
      development training. The changing world environment makes it imperative
      to prepare our nations' senior leaders for the full spectrum of possible
      challenges. This is a tough assignment; and we need seminars, study
      sessions, and computer-assisted exercises to help in this effort. In May,
      we conducted the first high-level exercise within Allied Command Europe.
      It was well-attended by flag officers from throughout the Alliance; we
      will continue to emphasize this sort of training. We welcome assistance
      and suggestions on how to proceed in the leader development of Allied
      Command Europe.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">My second thought concerns
      interoperability, which has been a NATO issue for decades. Today, as we
      begin to operate with new Partners, we need to consider what that concept
      means to PFP in terms of communications, command and control, logistics,
      and other common areas. In the former Yugoslavia, for example, 35 nations
      are involved--many of them trained to different standards, with different
      doctrines, different forms of communications, and different logistics. If
      we have the opportunity, and if our Partners are willing, I believe we
      should try to determine how to create the best conditions for success in
      working together with air, land, and sea forces. So, interoperability will
      become a major PFP issue. I will try to use the SHAPE Technical Center to
      assist me with it, but I would also welcome any suggestions as we move
      ahead in this very important field.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Regarding peace-support
      operations, one might ask a number of questions. Should we integrate them
      into the total spectrum of our training? Should we include both Article 5
      and non-Article 5 missions in our training plan? Should we consider
      different methods depending on the presence of conscripts and volunteers
      in the force? Peace-support operations are very difficult and complex
      missions, and we need to understand how to train both NATO and Partner
      forces to conduct them.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">My final point concerns liaison,
      particularly with the U.N. Clearly, as we continue to support U.N. forces,
      we must establish some sort of liaison mechanism between our
      organizations, both at the political and military levels. On the military
      level, it is certainly important to discuss procedures and rules of
      engagement, as well as command and control, with the United Nations before
      commitment.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">CONCLUSION</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Today, we are witnessing the
      emergence of a new NATO. Even as we build this new organization, we must
      continue to nurture the solidarity, mutual trust, and confidence that have
      made the Alliance great. At the same time, we must conduct the whole new
      spectrum of missions ranging from Article 5 to peace-support operations.
      To do so efficiently and effectively will require the understanding and
      support of our member nations. We must stabilize our existing forces, have
      clarity in both our missions and purpose, and continue to promote
      modernization and technological development. To do all this will require
      unprecedented innovation and imagination by the leadership of Allied
      Command Europe and the member nations. It will require the insights of
      clear-thinking leaders.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">PANEL DISCUSSION</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">Major General Kenneth
    Hagemann</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The Defense Nuclear Agency (DNA)
      appreciated the opportunity to participate in the Eleventh NATO Workshop,
      which is also the eighth that our agency has supported. This year,
      Norway's beautiful land was an ideal setting for what proved to be one of
      the truly valuable conferences of this type. Such workshops are an
      extremely important part of DNA's vision of how we should modify our
      research and development program from year to year to ensure that we meet
      the war fighters' requirements. One of DNA's primary operational missions
      is to provide technical support assessments and advice to the operational
      commanders. By participating in such workshops, we are better able to
      understand those requirements. Furthermore, the proliferation of weapons
      of mass destruction, which is a primary concern of the United States, is
      increasingly becoming a concern of the Alliance and the world at large.
      This concern includes deterrence, arms control, treaty support, deep
      underground targets, collateral effects and damage, preemptive strikes,
      mission planning, Nunn-Lugar support, lethality, and defensive forces. All
      these issues are part of DNA's research and development program.</FONT></FONT>
    </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Because of the importance of
      DNA's relationship with Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE),
      it was a great pleasure for me to introduce General George Joulwan, who
      has been the Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SACEUR) since October 1993
      and is the eleventh SACEUR in succession since General Eisenhower. General
      Joulwan has spent over half of his career in Europe, serving in a variety
      of positions throughout the Berlin Wall era, from its construction to its 
      fall. Born in Pottsville, Pennsylvania, he graduated from the U.S.
      Military Academy at West Point, and went on to serve two combat tours in
      Vietnam. During his fourteen years in Germany, he went from platoon leader
      to division commander. General Joulwan came to SHAPE last year after
      serving as Commander-in-Chief of the U.S. Southern Command. In his short
      time on the job, he has been faced with numerous challenges, one of which
      is NATO's involvement in military actions for the first time since its
      inception. General Joulwan's responsibilities are awesome, and NATO's
      military command is very fortunate to have him at the helm.</FONT></FONT>
    </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The distinguished group of
      commanders whose remarks appear below are General Joulwan's brain trust.
      Admiral Leighton Smith, the Commander of Allied Forces Southern Europe, is
      principally involved with the situation in the former Yugoslavia; General
      Helge Hansen is Commander of Allied Forces Central Europe, and the officer
      in charge of the two Partnership exercises that have been scheduled in the
      Netherlands and Poland; General Sir Garry Johnson is the Commander of
      Allied Forces Northern Europe; finally, General Danielsen is the head of
      the ACE Reaction Force Planning staff at SHAPE. Their contributions will
      help us understand how to look at events and issues from the perspective
      of their applications to the military and to the allied operating command.</FONT></FONT>
    </P>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">Admiral Leighton W.
    Smith, III</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
    <CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Commander-in-Chief Allied
    Forces Southern Europe</FONT></FONT></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">In the former Yugoslavia, we
      have four distinct ongoing operations: Deny Flight, Sharp Guard, Provide
      Promise, and the development of plans in the event that the U.N. should
      ask NATO to execute a peacekeeping operation. Each of these programs have
      different chains of command. Some go through national channels; others go
      through NATO channels or in parallel with the U.N. and NATO. Generally, in
      &quot;Lessons Learned,&quot; we try to discover what is wrong and spend
      little time on what is right. But a good mission statement derived from
      clear political guidance is the common element that led to success on all
      operations in which I have been personally involved. Such guidance is
      vital and must come up front. With it, you can develop a military concept
      of operations and a plan to follow that concept. Unfortunately, political
      guidance is at times received infrequently and may not be clearly or
      completely understood.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">A second element of success
      comes from clear rules of engagement, together with an understanding of
      how each nation will follow them. For example, Germans can or cannot do
      certain things because of interpretations of their constitution; a Greek
      ship can or cannot do other things for political reasons. But we can
      accommodate these differences as long as we know them in advance.</FONT></FONT>
    </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Trained individuals--people who
      have a level of expertise that allows them to be certified for a given
      operation--are a third element. When pilots and crews come to Deny Flight,
      for instance, they go through a certification process that includes
      familiarization flights. They are also tested on Rules of Engagement
      before being certified individually by Commander AFSOUTH. In the same way,
      ships' commanding officers and crews go through a training and
      certification process before being put in their positions. As a result,
      when Sharp Guard or Deny Flight crews are asked to act within their
      mission statement, there is no doubt that they can do it.</FONT></FONT>
    </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Our Intelligence is very good.
      Although no Intelligence is perfect, ours is as good as it can be for a
      given situation. The great deal of effort that has gone into this area is
      providing good situational awareness and a good tactical picture.</FONT></FONT>
    </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Most people do not think much
      about trust, but it comes as a result of meeting people and working
      together. In Deny Flight, for example, the situation is not ideal from a
      unity of command viewpoint. Yet there is clear unity of effort and purpose
      because of the personal relationships Bertrand de Lapresle, Michael Rose,
      and myself have established, and because we communicate frequently. Of
      course, we do not agree on everything, but we can work together
      effectively.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Finally, when trying to develop
      an operational order for peacekeeping, it is important that these orders
      be dynamic, because operations that were envisioned six months ago may
      have changed a great deal in the meantime.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">General Helge Hansen</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
    <CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Commander-in-Chief Allied
    Forces Central Europe</FONT></FONT></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">I would like to comment on the
      SHAPE Technical Center (STC) using my personal experience at SHAPE as
      Deputy Chief of Staff Operations. If any organization has really earned
      the name Rapid Reaction, it is the STC. The deployment of forces from the
      center to the southern flanks could not have been handled as it was--under
      tight political control and reacting to daily demands--without the SHAPE
      Technical Center's help in creating an inter-regional command and control
      system and its rapid development of the software and hardware interfaces.
      The SHAPE Technical Center is also developing a software and hardware
      technology that will be valuable over the mid and long term. When rapid
      reaction is needed in times of crisis, this center is most responsive and,
      in my view, one of our most precious assets at the disposal of the Supreme
      Allied Commander Europe.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">General Sir Garry
    Johnson, KCB, OBE, MC</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
    <CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Commander-in-Chief Allied
    Forces Northern Europe</FONT></FONT></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">During the Workshop discussion,
      General Hjalmar Sunde asked whether resource constraints, as well as the
      concentration on peacekeeping, were beginning to draw down the funds
      available for Article 5-type training. As a subordinate commander to
      SACEUR, I believe that there is such a danger. Peacekeeping, which is the
      thing of the moment, uses SACEUR's resources; peacekeeping takes people
      from my headquarters and General Hansen's (CINC Central Europe) in order
      to give them to Admiral Smith (CINC Southern Europe). Moreover, some
      governments and politicians find this process so absorbing that they
      happily divert resources from Article 5 situations, because they think
      that the risks of an Article 5 situation are improbably low. Surely,
      Admiral Smith would say that the AWACS used in his peacekeeping operation
      are effective because they are trained for Article 5 at the higher end of
      the war-fighting spectrum.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Therefore, I occasionally get
      worried when people angle in on peacekeeping, saying, for example, &quot;Let's
      teach peacekeeping. That is the thing of the future.&quot; I then remember
      the head of the armed forces of an English-speaking nation on the other
      side of the world who was concerned about isolation; he wanted to send
      forces over to join in a peacekeeping operation but feared that, in doing
      so, his forces would forget war-fighting--which is what they were really
      trained for. I sometimes look at the exercise program and wonder whether
      we are in danger of losing sight of the real purpose of the Alliance's
      armed forces--and not just Article 5. After all, as SACEUR said, you may
      begin a peacekeeping intervention at one end of the war-fighting spectrum
      and who knows to what level it will grow before you are finished.
      Therefore, we need to maintain our war-fighting capability.</FONT></FONT>
    </P>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">Lieutenant General
    Dagfinn Danielsen</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
    <CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Chief of Staff, ACE
    Reaction Force Planning Staff</FONT></FONT></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">General Joulwan asked me to
      collect the lessons learned from the former Yugoslavia as a way to help
      NATO's planning and execution of operations. One aim was to establish a &quot;Center
      for Lessons Learned&quot; that would permit us to systematically benefit
      from our experience. In order to improve future interoperability, we must
      keep track of the lessons we learned. I am not ready yet to give details
      about the lessons from the former Yugoslavia, but our work should be
      completed soon.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Perhaps, a group of experts
      could define the problem areas for interoperability, but I do not believe
      it is that easy. Only exercises will show us where difficulties lie and
      how to take corrective action. Since exercises will cost money, I hope
      that the politicians will follow through on their decisions to allocate
      sufficient resources for that purpose.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">We will be able to develop a
      common doctrine, common standards, and common procedures for peacekeeping
      or peace-support operations, but it will take time. Although this kind of
      work initially began during the Second World War, some areas still call
      for improvement. The interoperability problem may be easier to define,
      however, when it is restricted to peace-support operations. Of course, as
      General Joulwan pointed out, interoperability is a two-way street. We
      cannot merely place huge stacks of NATO documents on the table and ask our
      Partners to read them. We also need to draw on their own expertise, since
      many of the Partner countries have substantial experience with
      peacekeeping operations that could benefit NATO.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
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