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    <TITLE>Deputy Secretary General Sergio Balanzino...The New NATO</TITLE>
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    <CENTER> <FONT SIZE="+3"></FONT><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+4">A
    New NATO Agenda</FONT></FONT></CENTER>
    <CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+2">Deputy Secretary General
    Sergio Balanzino</FONT></FONT></CENTER>
    <CENTER><I><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">North Atlantic Treaty
    Organization</FONT></FONT></I></CENTER>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">THE NEW NATO</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Many Workshop participants were
      instrumental in creating &quot;the new NATO,&quot; and many continue to be
      intimately involved in its current work. For this reason, I will not go
      over the well-trod ground of how NATO has refocused its efforts from
      defense and deterrence in the Cold War era to the current promotion of
      stability. Instead, I will try to look ahead and describe in concrete
      terms the tasks that I believe we must accomplish as we approach the next
      century.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">In January 1994, the Brussels
      Summit reconfirmed NATO's core functions and firmly put the accent on
      using NATO's experience and influence to reach out to our East and enhance
      our crisis management role. NATO's policy and direction were clearly set
      out. The problems we must now address are practical--the kind that NATO is
      good at solving. Let me review them and talk about the tasks NATO is and
      will be facing.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1"><B>Supporting the U.N. in
    the Former Yugoslavia</B></FONT></FONT></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">NATO's support of United Nations
      activities in the former Yugoslavia is a continuing urgent operational
      requirement. I believe that everyone who knows what NATO has undertaken in
      this regard has been impressed by the Alliance's effectiveness. Without
      NATO's strong participation in maritime embargo enforcement, the U.N.
      would not have been able to impose sanctions as effectively as it has.
      Without NATO air power, the enforcement of a No-Fly Zone over Bosnia's air
      space would have been impossible. Without the decisions taken by NATO in
      February and April 1994, Sarajevo and Gorazde would still be under attack.</FONT></FONT>
    </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">NATO's role in the former
      Yugoslavia has not been limited solely to operations. We have stated on a
      number of occasions that the Alliance supports the international effort to
      reach a durable, negotiated peace settlement and that, once it is
      achieved, we are prepared to contribute to its implementation. We have
      also developed a contingency plan to assist the U.N. in evaluating the
      military requirements of a peace plan for Bosnia.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">NATO's supportive role in the
      former Yugoslavia has also helped forge a close and effective working
      relationship with the U.N. We had to construct this relationship in the
      heat of the developing crisis. Now, however, the &quot;getting to know one
      another&quot; period is over. We are in close touch with the U.N.
      Secretary General, his office, and his Special Representative. I believe
      that these close working relationships between NATO and the U.N. form a
      pattern that will be very useful in the future. Conflict prevention and
      the management of crises will likely require our organizations to continue
      to work together to provide mutual support in common endeavors.</FONT></FONT>
    </P>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">Realizing the Potential
    of Partnership for Peace</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">This brings me to NATO's second
      task: realizing the full potential of Partnership for Peace. It is no
      exaggeration to say that Partnership for Peace has the potential to
      fundamentally transform the relationship between NATO and Partner
      countries. Partnership activities will be tailored to the specific needs
      of each Partner country. Moreover, much of Partnership for Peace will
      involve practical cooperation programs between NATO and Partner military
      forces. It will allow Partner states to develop cooperative military
      relations with NATO and engage in joint planning, training, and exercises.
      These activities will strengthen our Partners' ability to operate with
      NATO forces in fields such as peacekeeping, search and rescue, and
      humanitarian operations.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The Partnership also has a wider
      political aim: to sustain the new democracies in their commitment to the
      principles and objectives of the U.N. and CSCE and to achieve a full
      democratic accountability of military forces. For this purpose, the
      Partnership will facilitate transparency in national defense planning and
      budgeting processes, and democratic control of defense forces. Active
      Partner countries will also have the opportunity to consult with NATO if
      they perceive a direct threat to their territorial integrity, political
      independence, or security. Thus, NATO is responding to Partners' concerns
      about the possibility of rising tensions and the need for a mechanism to
      consult with NATO in cases of emergency.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">I can report to you that
      Partnership for Peace is well on track and has become one of the top
      priorities on the Alliance's political agenda. As of June 1994, twenty
      countries have signed up; we have received ten Presentation Documents and
      are currently establishing the first Individual Partnership Programs. The
      first peacekeeping field exercises are in the offing this fall--one in the
      Netherlands and one in Poland. A maritime exercise is also being planned
      by the Supreme Allied Commander Atlantic (SACLANT) for later in 1994. Our
      Partnership Coordination Cell near Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers
      Europe (SHAPE) is already up and running, and I recently had the pleasure
      of cutting the ribbon opening the Partner building at NATO Headquarters.
      For the first time in our history, non-members will be permanently
      represented at NATO, working alongside NATO's diplomats and military
      officers and sharing their varied and accumulated experience. Our Partners
      have come to stay, not to visit.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Clearly, Partnership for Peace
      is having an effect in transforming the European security landscape.
      Russian Foreign Minister Kozyrev reassured us in June 1994 in Istanbul
      that Russia will sign the Framework Document as it stands. In our North
      Atlantic Council (NAC) Communique, we have also offered the Russians a
      broad dialogue in pursuit of common goals in areas where Russia has a
      unique or particularly important contribution to make, both inside and
      outside the Partnership for Peace.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Partnership for Peace offers
      considerable potential for expanded cooperation with Russia. For example,
      the principle of self-differentiation underlying the Partnership offers
      much leeway for the development of a pragmatic NATO/Russia relationship
      that reflects Russia's special weight in European security. Such pragmatic
      cooperation would serve the interests of Russia, NATO, and Central and
      Eastern Europe alike. Let me be very clear, however: on issues such as
      NATO's expansion, there will be no Russian veto. Nor do we agree with
      ideas to subordinate the Alliance under the CSCE. NATO will reach
      decisions by a consensus of 16, not 16 plus 1.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1"><B>Addressing the
    Proliferation Threat</B></FONT></FONT></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Another task that is currently
      underway and will require further development concerns how to deal with
      the proliferation threat. At the Istanbul Ministerial in early June 1994,
      NATO foreign ministers endorsed an &quot;Alliance Policy Framework on
      Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction.&quot; This document is now
      in the public realm. In short, NATO's approach to proliferation will have
      a dual political and defense dimension. In the political field, the
      Alliance will seek to support, without duplication, work being done in
      other international fora and institutions. We will also use the fora
      provided under the North Atlantic Cooperation Council (NACC) to consult
      with our Cooperation Partners on this subject, with the aim of fostering
      common understandings and approaches.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">In the defense field, we will
      examine in detail the current and potential threat posed by the
      proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. If necessary, we will seek
      to improve our defense capabilities and to consider how NATO's defense
      posture can support diplomatic efforts to prevent or reverse
      proliferation.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">As we approach the conference
      for the renewal of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, our first aim will be to
      reinforce the existing diplomatic means for the prevention of
      proliferation. Beyond that, our summit leaders have endorsed the
      development of a policy for defense in case prevention fails.</FONT></FONT>
    </P>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1"><B>Adapting NATO's
    Political and Military Structures</B></FONT></FONT></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Let me turn now to the need to
      adapt NATO's structures further. Initial work has started on this task.
      Yet, because of its complexity, completion should be seen in the longer
      term. This task should be placed in its proper context. At the Rome Summit
      in November 1991, Alliance leaders adopted a new Strategic Concept. This
      concept recognized that, in the future, Alliance security would likely be
      affected more by conflicts and instabilities arising in neighboring
      regions than by direct threats to the territories of Allied states.</FONT></FONT>
    </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Today, NATO has a broader, more
      cooperative approach to security. It has also developed a new structure,
      in which flexible multinational rapid reaction forces figure prominently.
      In the political sphere, NATO has given its strong support to the
      strengthening of the European pillar of the Alliance. At the Brussels
      Summit, Allied leaders gave their full support to the development of a
      European security and defense identity. Regarding the Western European
      Union (WEU), and on the basis of consultations in the North Atlantic
      Council, Allied leaders stated that they were ready to make collective
      assets of the Alliance available for WEU operations undertaken by the
      European Allies in pursuit of their Common Foreign and Security Policy.</FONT></FONT>
    </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The second area of additional
      flexibility concerns the military sphere. In line with the Brussels Summit
      decisions, we are also examining how to enhance the effectiveness of our
      military capabilities for collective defense operations and, at the same
      time, provide for the use of these capabilities under European Union/WEU
      auspices. The increased military flexibility we now need will be realized
      through the Combined Joint Task Force (CJTF). This concept envisages using
       the Alliance's existing headquarters structures as a basis for
      establishing deployable multi-service headquarters. These latter would be
      mobilized when required for peacekeeping operations, and for training and
      exercises. NATO attaches great importance to this work, which will enhance
      the Alliance's ability to respond to crises and provide separable but not
      separate military capabilities that could be employed by NATO or the WEU.
      The CJTF concept could also provide a means for involving Cooperation
      Partners in contingency operations. We are keeping the WEU informed of
      progress made so far, and arrangements are being developed to ensure
      cooperation between NATO and the WEU in implementing relevant aspects of
      the CJTF concept.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">CONCLUDING REMARKS</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The agenda I have set out is
      ambitious. Supporting the U.N. in the former Yugoslavia, developing
      Partnership for Peace, addressing the proliferation threat, and further
      adapting NATO's political and military structures will take up most of
      NATO's time and activities over the next few years. But a remarkable
      feature of each of the tasks I have mentioned is that they are not
      exclusive to, or narrowly focused on, NATO. They represent instead a major
      contribution by the Alliance to the wider European security agenda. They
      will require an unprecedented degree of cooperation, consultation, and
      coordination with Partners and other organizations.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">In drawing to a close, I would
      like to emphasize that the Alliance is an essential--I would say the
      essential--element in the development of a new European security order.
      Through change and adaptation, it has developed into a state-of-the-art
      model for building security; the Alliance is indispensable not only to its
      members but also (and increasingly) to its Partners and others. By keeping
      our Alliance strong, we are keeping bright our hope for a secure future.
      This contribution is possibly the most significant and important one that
      the Alliance can make in expanding peace and stability in an unsettled
      world.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
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