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<TITLE>Deputy Secretary General Sergio Balanzino...The New NATO</TITLE>
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<CENTER> <FONT SIZE="+3"></FONT><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+4">A
New NATO Agenda</FONT></FONT></CENTER>
<CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+2">Deputy Secretary General
Sergio Balanzino</FONT></FONT></CENTER>
<CENTER><I><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">North Atlantic Treaty
Organization</FONT></FONT></I></CENTER>
<CENTER></CENTER>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">THE NEW NATO</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Many Workshop participants were
instrumental in creating "the new NATO," and many continue to be
intimately involved in its current work. For this reason, I will not go
over the well-trod ground of how NATO has refocused its efforts from
defense and deterrence in the Cold War era to the current promotion of
stability. Instead, I will try to look ahead and describe in concrete
terms the tasks that I believe we must accomplish as we approach the next
century.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">In January 1994, the Brussels
Summit reconfirmed NATO's core functions and firmly put the accent on
using NATO's experience and influence to reach out to our East and enhance
our crisis management role. NATO's policy and direction were clearly set
out. The problems we must now address are practical--the kind that NATO is
good at solving. Let me review them and talk about the tasks NATO is and
will be facing.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER></CENTER>
<CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1"><B>Supporting the U.N. in
the Former Yugoslavia</B></FONT></FONT></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">NATO's support of United Nations
activities in the former Yugoslavia is a continuing urgent operational
requirement. I believe that everyone who knows what NATO has undertaken in
this regard has been impressed by the Alliance's effectiveness. Without
NATO's strong participation in maritime embargo enforcement, the U.N.
would not have been able to impose sanctions as effectively as it has.
Without NATO air power, the enforcement of a No-Fly Zone over Bosnia's air
space would have been impossible. Without the decisions taken by NATO in
February and April 1994, Sarajevo and Gorazde would still be under attack.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">NATO's role in the former
Yugoslavia has not been limited solely to operations. We have stated on a
number of occasions that the Alliance supports the international effort to
reach a durable, negotiated peace settlement and that, once it is
achieved, we are prepared to contribute to its implementation. We have
also developed a contingency plan to assist the U.N. in evaluating the
military requirements of a peace plan for Bosnia.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">NATO's supportive role in the
former Yugoslavia has also helped forge a close and effective working
relationship with the U.N. We had to construct this relationship in the
heat of the developing crisis. Now, however, the "getting to know one
another" period is over. We are in close touch with the U.N.
Secretary General, his office, and his Special Representative. I believe
that these close working relationships between NATO and the U.N. form a
pattern that will be very useful in the future. Conflict prevention and
the management of crises will likely require our organizations to continue
to work together to provide mutual support in common endeavors.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<CENTER></CENTER>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">Realizing the Potential
of Partnership for Peace</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">This brings me to NATO's second
task: realizing the full potential of Partnership for Peace. It is no
exaggeration to say that Partnership for Peace has the potential to
fundamentally transform the relationship between NATO and Partner
countries. Partnership activities will be tailored to the specific needs
of each Partner country. Moreover, much of Partnership for Peace will
involve practical cooperation programs between NATO and Partner military
forces. It will allow Partner states to develop cooperative military
relations with NATO and engage in joint planning, training, and exercises.
These activities will strengthen our Partners' ability to operate with
NATO forces in fields such as peacekeeping, search and rescue, and
humanitarian operations.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The Partnership also has a wider
political aim: to sustain the new democracies in their commitment to the
principles and objectives of the U.N. and CSCE and to achieve a full
democratic accountability of military forces. For this purpose, the
Partnership will facilitate transparency in national defense planning and
budgeting processes, and democratic control of defense forces. Active
Partner countries will also have the opportunity to consult with NATO if
they perceive a direct threat to their territorial integrity, political
independence, or security. Thus, NATO is responding to Partners' concerns
about the possibility of rising tensions and the need for a mechanism to
consult with NATO in cases of emergency.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">I can report to you that
Partnership for Peace is well on track and has become one of the top
priorities on the Alliance's political agenda. As of June 1994, twenty
countries have signed up; we have received ten Presentation Documents and
are currently establishing the first Individual Partnership Programs. The
first peacekeeping field exercises are in the offing this fall--one in the
Netherlands and one in Poland. A maritime exercise is also being planned
by the Supreme Allied Commander Atlantic (SACLANT) for later in 1994. Our
Partnership Coordination Cell near Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers
Europe (SHAPE) is already up and running, and I recently had the pleasure
of cutting the ribbon opening the Partner building at NATO Headquarters.
For the first time in our history, non-members will be permanently
represented at NATO, working alongside NATO's diplomats and military
officers and sharing their varied and accumulated experience. Our Partners
have come to stay, not to visit.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Clearly, Partnership for Peace
is having an effect in transforming the European security landscape.
Russian Foreign Minister Kozyrev reassured us in June 1994 in Istanbul
that Russia will sign the Framework Document as it stands. In our North
Atlantic Council (NAC) Communique, we have also offered the Russians a
broad dialogue in pursuit of common goals in areas where Russia has a
unique or particularly important contribution to make, both inside and
outside the Partnership for Peace.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Partnership for Peace offers
considerable potential for expanded cooperation with Russia. For example,
the principle of self-differentiation underlying the Partnership offers
much leeway for the development of a pragmatic NATO/Russia relationship
that reflects Russia's special weight in European security. Such pragmatic
cooperation would serve the interests of Russia, NATO, and Central and
Eastern Europe alike. Let me be very clear, however: on issues such as
NATO's expansion, there will be no Russian veto. Nor do we agree with
ideas to subordinate the Alliance under the CSCE. NATO will reach
decisions by a consensus of 16, not 16 plus 1.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER></CENTER>
<CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1"><B>Addressing the
Proliferation Threat</B></FONT></FONT></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Another task that is currently
underway and will require further development concerns how to deal with
the proliferation threat. At the Istanbul Ministerial in early June 1994,
NATO foreign ministers endorsed an "Alliance Policy Framework on
Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction." This document is now
in the public realm. In short, NATO's approach to proliferation will have
a dual political and defense dimension. In the political field, the
Alliance will seek to support, without duplication, work being done in
other international fora and institutions. We will also use the fora
provided under the North Atlantic Cooperation Council (NACC) to consult
with our Cooperation Partners on this subject, with the aim of fostering
common understandings and approaches.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">In the defense field, we will
examine in detail the current and potential threat posed by the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. If necessary, we will seek
to improve our defense capabilities and to consider how NATO's defense
posture can support diplomatic efforts to prevent or reverse
proliferation.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">As we approach the conference
for the renewal of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, our first aim will be to
reinforce the existing diplomatic means for the prevention of
proliferation. Beyond that, our summit leaders have endorsed the
development of a policy for defense in case prevention fails.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<CENTER></CENTER>
<CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1"><B>Adapting NATO's
Political and Military Structures</B></FONT></FONT></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Let me turn now to the need to
adapt NATO's structures further. Initial work has started on this task.
Yet, because of its complexity, completion should be seen in the longer
term. This task should be placed in its proper context. At the Rome Summit
in November 1991, Alliance leaders adopted a new Strategic Concept. This
concept recognized that, in the future, Alliance security would likely be
affected more by conflicts and instabilities arising in neighboring
regions than by direct threats to the territories of Allied states.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Today, NATO has a broader, more
cooperative approach to security. It has also developed a new structure,
in which flexible multinational rapid reaction forces figure prominently.
In the political sphere, NATO has given its strong support to the
strengthening of the European pillar of the Alliance. At the Brussels
Summit, Allied leaders gave their full support to the development of a
European security and defense identity. Regarding the Western European
Union (WEU), and on the basis of consultations in the North Atlantic
Council, Allied leaders stated that they were ready to make collective
assets of the Alliance available for WEU operations undertaken by the
European Allies in pursuit of their Common Foreign and Security Policy.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The second area of additional
flexibility concerns the military sphere. In line with the Brussels Summit
decisions, we are also examining how to enhance the effectiveness of our
military capabilities for collective defense operations and, at the same
time, provide for the use of these capabilities under European Union/WEU
auspices. The increased military flexibility we now need will be realized
through the Combined Joint Task Force (CJTF). This concept envisages using
the Alliance's existing headquarters structures as a basis for
establishing deployable multi-service headquarters. These latter would be
mobilized when required for peacekeeping operations, and for training and
exercises. NATO attaches great importance to this work, which will enhance
the Alliance's ability to respond to crises and provide separable but not
separate military capabilities that could be employed by NATO or the WEU.
The CJTF concept could also provide a means for involving Cooperation
Partners in contingency operations. We are keeping the WEU informed of
progress made so far, and arrangements are being developed to ensure
cooperation between NATO and the WEU in implementing relevant aspects of
the CJTF concept.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER></CENTER>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">CONCLUDING REMARKS</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The agenda I have set out is
ambitious. Supporting the U.N. in the former Yugoslavia, developing
Partnership for Peace, addressing the proliferation threat, and further
adapting NATO's political and military structures will take up most of
NATO's time and activities over the next few years. But a remarkable
feature of each of the tasks I have mentioned is that they are not
exclusive to, or narrowly focused on, NATO. They represent instead a major
contribution by the Alliance to the wider European security agenda. They
will require an unprecedented degree of cooperation, consultation, and
coordination with Partners and other organizations.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">In drawing to a close, I would
like to emphasize that the Alliance is an essential--I would say the
essential--element in the development of a new European security order.
Through change and adaptation, it has developed into a state-of-the-art
model for building security; the Alliance is indispensable not only to its
members but also (and increasingly) to its Partners and others. By keeping
our Alliance strong, we are keeping bright our hope for a secure future.
This contribution is possibly the most significant and important one that
the Alliance can make in expanding peace and stability in an unsettled
world.</FONT></FONT> </P>
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