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<TITLE>Finnish Defense Minister Anneli Taina...Security in a Changing
Europe: A Finnish View</TITLE>
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<CENTER><FONT SIZE="+4">Security in a Changing Europe: A Finnish View</FONT></CENTER>
<CENTER><FONT SIZE="+3">Minister of Defense of Finland Anneli Taina</FONT>
</CENTER>
<P>For decades, the great city of Warsaw symbolized the confrontation
between two powerful military alliances armed and trained to face each
other in Europe. Today we live in a different world, one where stark
military confrontation no longer divides Europe. </P>
<P>But as the security order maintained by the Cold War system has
disappeared, new kinds of threats to the stability of the international
system have appeared. What is different about these threats is that we are
trying to find solutions to them through cooperation. We are working
together to manage conflicts, and we are attempting to build mutual
understanding, trust, and confidence, elements that are indispensable in
our search for a just and lasting peace for this continent. The XIIIth
NATO Workshop is a living testimony to the real spirit of cooperation and
partnership that are the hallmark of the new Europe. </P>
<CENTER><B><FONT SIZE="+1">FINLAND'S SECURITY POLICY</FONT></B></CENTER>
<P>Finland was never a part of the confrontational structures of the old
Europe. Though we emerged from the two World Wars badly crippled--we lost
more than ten percent of our territory and faced the daunting task of
resettling the population from those ceded territories--we were never
conquered militarily and retained all our political, economic, and
cultural institutions intact. Finland was a full Western democracy before
the Second World War and has remained one ever since. </P>
<P>During the Cold War, our national security policy could be described as
one of adaptation, an obvious necessity for any small country. We chose to
remain neutral and sought to stay outside the Great Power conflicts,
relying on our own resources rather than on any alliance arrangements.
Today, however, Finland's policy can no longer be described as neutral. In
today's world, neutrality means closing one's eyes to violations of
international law and standards rather than taking a constructive approach
to conflict management. Security, too, has new meaning: it encompasses not
only political and military factors, but also such issues as economic
development, environmental concerns, and respect for human rights.
Accession to the European Union marked a historic change in Finland's
security policy. As President Martti Ahtisaari said in a major policy
speech the week before the Workshop, "We have given up our former
policy of Cold War-era neutrality, and we seek to implement the goals of
the European Union. "In fact, while we still are not seeking
membership in a military alliance--it is well understood in Finland that
the European Union is a political union, not a defense alliance--we have
committed ourselves to the common foreign and security policy of the
Union. We have also indicated our readiness to participate constructively
in the framing of a common defense policy. </P>
<CENTER><B><FONT SIZE="+1">THE ROLES OF THE EU AND NATO IN BUILDING A
STABLE EUROPE</FONT></B></CENTER>
<P>The European Union is an emerging foreign policy and security actor in
world politics. It has introduced strategies and initiatives to support
transition and build stability both in Russia and throughout the Baltic
Sea region. One of the aims of the Union is to develop its common foreign
and security policy in a dynamic and comprehensive manner. Finland
welcomes this objective and believes it has considerably improved
Finland's international position. </P>
<P>To support this objective, Finland, together with Sweden, put forth at
the Intergovernmental Conference a proposal to strengthen European Union's
role in crisis management, calling for a more prominent Union role in
conflict management situations in which military organizations are used.
This new role demands a stronger link between the European Union and the
Western European Union. All contributing EU member-states should be able
to participate on an equal footing in the elaboration and implementation
of joint operations requested by the European Union and conducted by the
Western European Union. </P>
<P>While our proposal is a positive contribution to a more extensive
European crisis management capability, Finland recognizes the
indispensable role of NATO in crisis management. In Bosnia, NATO has
shown, in the words of a recent article in<I> The Economist,</I> that "it
is the only international organization which can stop a war. "Now
that the war has been stopped, peace must be started, and international
cooperation is the only way to reach that goal. </P>
<P>It is clear that the success of the IFOR operation is due largely to
NATO and to the first lessons in military cooperation offered by NATO
through its Partnership for Peace program. Finland has strongly supported
PFP from its inception because we saw that it was truly an important means
through which NATO and non-NATO countries could work together in crisis
management. The lessons learned from the IFOR operation can further help
these countries enhance their military capabilities for future crisis
management missions. </P>
<P>At the Ministerial Meeting of the North Atlantic Council in Berlin in
early June, a proposal was put forward that would facilitate participation
of non-NATO planners in Combined Joint Task Force operations "at an
early stage." We see this measure to increase PFP Partners'
involvement in crisis management planning as a major step forward in
jointly preparing implementation of future crisis management operations.
</P>
<P>We also welcome the broadening and deepening of the PFP Planning and
Review Process (PARP), especially the efforts to further develop the
Interoperability Objectives. Finland has taken part in the PARP process
from its very beginning, and we continue to believe that it is a central
element in the effort to accelerate interoperability--which, as IFOR has
amply demonstrated, is sorely needed in multinational crisis management
operations. The lessons learned from IFOR must be carefully evaluated
during the next round of the PARP process later this year. </P>
<P>To improve our own capabilities for military crisis management, Finland
has launched a major effort. The Finnish parliament in June debated and
accepted the government's proposal to train and equip a special
brigade-size Rapid Deployment Force, from which a battalion-size
contingent could be sent abroad at any given time. When ready, the brigade
will greatly improve our interoperability with NATO and Partner forces.
</P>
<CENTER><B><FONT SIZE="+1">REGIONAL SECURITY ISSUES</FONT></B></CENTER>
<P>In addition to continent-wide concerns, Finland believes that there are
also important regional security issues. One of them is the reintegration
of the Baltic States into the European security system. Since 1991,
significant assistance has been provided by several countries to enhance
Baltic security and support Baltic sovereignty. Finland has given such
bilateral assistance, focusing mainly on Estonia because of its
geographical proximity and its historical, cultural, and linguistic ties.
To date, Finland has trained nearly 100 officers and NCOs for the Estonian
Defense Forces; provided training and material assistance to BALTBAT, the
Baltic peacekeeping battalion; and trained most of Estonia's current
Border Guard personnel. Finland has also given material assistance, and is
ready to sell military equipment on a commercial basis. </P>
<P>In response to Estonia's request for assistance in organizing, training,
and equipping their Defense Forces, Finland has sent a team of active-duty
officers to Estonia to determine the scope and extent of the assistance
needed. Finland is also prepared to assume the role of international donor
coordinator for defense assistance to Estonia, in order to mesh Estonia's
requirements with outside resources. </P>
<CENTER><B><FONT SIZE="+1">RUSSIA AND FINNISH SECURITY</FONT></B></CENTER>
<P>Among the factors affecting Finland's security, Russia clearly is one of
the most significant. Russia has been a key part of the European security
landscape for centuries and continues to be one today. The Finnish-Russian
border is 1,300 kilometers long, and we want to keep it a border of peace
and cooperation. By integrating Russia into the network of multilateral
international cooperation, we will be making a valuable contribution to
European as well as international security. For a country such as Finland,
this integration is a must. </P>
<P>Finland does not believe that Russia would increase its security, nor
make its neighbors more safe, by isolating itself from the rest of Europe.
For this reason Finland some time ago supported Russian membership in the
Council of Europe. For the same reason Finland is now actively
participating in European Union-sponsored assistance programs in Russia.
</P>
<P>We also welcome Russia's participation in Partnership for Peace and hope
that it will take on a role there commensurate with its importance as a
great power. It is also encouraging to see a Russian brigade operating as
part of an American division in IFOR, working side by side with
peacekeepers from the Nordic countries and Poland. That, to me, is a
pragmatic way to work with Russia in an important area where our interests
overlap. </P>
<P>I also believe that the first round of Russian presidential elections
was a victory for democratic development in Russia. Voter participation
was high, and there has been no proof of any systematic foul play. The
successful election process in Russia is another contribution to stability
in all of Europe. When stability and predictability inside Russia
increase, the chances for more intensive cooperation increase as well. For
one thing, this means that such open issues as NATO enlargement, the
stipulations of the CFE treaty, and Russia's relations with its neighbors,
especially with the Baltic States, can be a matter of negotiation, not one
of confrontation. </P>
<CENTER><B><FONT SIZE="+1">CONCLUDING REMARKS</FONT></B></CENTER>
<P>In my remarks, I have tried to emphasize the cooperative efforts in
which all of us have been involved in recent years to shape the destiny of
Europe. These efforts have been many, but much still remains to be done.
And as we work to make our continent a more secure place, some will want
to do so by joining a military alliance, and some will want to do so by
staying non-aligned. </P>
<P>Finland will remain non-aligned. As President Ahtisaari has said, "The
Finnish government has made it clear that in the present conditions we
have no cause to abandon our policy of military non-alliance. The reason
is that by entering an alliance we would not increase our own security,
which rests on an independent, credible defense. Nor would alliance
promote stability in our own environment, Northern Europe and the Baltic
Sea region. " However, Finland respects every state's right to choose
its own security arrangements and as such does not take a stand on NATO
membership for any individual country. We also believe that no country
should have the right to veto on this matter over the decision of others.
</P>
<P>Whether we are members of a military alliance or choose to stay outside,
we all have a common job to do. We must work together to uphold democracy,
tolerate diversity, respect the rights of minorities, and support freedom
of expression. We must work together to develop democratic control of
military forces, to be decent neighbors, and to acknowledge the sovereign
rights of bordering countries. We must also work together to make our
military forces interoperable to be better able to cooperate in crisis
management tasks in the future. </P>
<P><A HREF="Taina.htm">Go to top of page</A> <BR><A HREF="Workshop96.htm">Return to Warsaw '96</A> <BR><A HREF="../index.html">Return to Home Page</A> </P>
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