|
Server : Apache/2.4.62 System : FreeBSD fbsdweb2.web.rcn.net 14.1-RELEASE FreeBSD 14.1-RELEASE releng/14.1-n267679-10e31f0946d8 GENERIC amd64 User : www ( 80) PHP Version : 8.3.8 Disable Function : NONE Directory : /domains/roger.dnai/95Book/ |
Upload File : |
<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//SoftQuad//DTD HoTMetaL PRO 4.0::19971010::extensions to HTML 4.0//EN"
"hmpro4.dtd">
<HTML>
<HEAD>
<META HTTP-EQUIV="Content-Type" CONTENT="text/html; charset=iso-8859-1">
<META NAME="GENERATOR"
CONTENT="Mozilla/4.03 (Macintosh; I; 68K) [Netscape]">
<TITLE>Volker Ruhe</TITLE>
</HEAD>
<BODY BGCOLOR="#FFFFFF" BGPROPERTIES="FIXED">
<CENTER><FONT SIZE="+2"></FONT><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+4">The
Future of NATO and Euro-Atlantic Relations</FONT></FONT></CENTER>
<CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+3">German Minister of Defense
Volker Rühe</FONT></FONT></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Dresden is a most appropriate
place for holding this year's NATO Workshop. Located between Prague and
Berlin, Strasbourg and Warsaw, Hamburg and Vienna, Budapest and
Copenhagen, this ancient city illustrates the fundamental and rapid
changes that have taken place in Europe in recent years. Both the past and
the future are manifested in the city's famous buildings and also in its
spirit, reminding us of the historical, cultural, and political
commonalities and values we all share in Europe.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">It is our responsibility to find
the right architecture for our common Europe. NATO will play an
outstanding part in this process.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">THE NEED FOR NATO</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Some people have taken the view
that since the Warsaw Pact was dissolved as a military bloc, NATO has to
follow. This is a misconception. Such thinking ignores the fact that the
North Atlantic Alliance was never a monolithic bloc, nor was it ever only
a military grouping. The Alliance is a free association of democratic,
sovereign, and self-determining nations. The need for such a community has
not been changed by the end of communism or the Cold War.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The late Secretary General
Manfred Wörner was right, however, when he stated in 1991, "In
the life of every institution there are certain key dates that mark the
end of one particular phase of development and the initiation of new
directions and tasks." The following are such key dates for the North
Atlantic Alliance:</FONT></FONT> </P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">1990, when the London
Declaration initiated a major transformation process for NATO and
offered a hand of friendship to former adversaries;</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">1991, when the Rome
Declaration based the Alliance's security policy on three mutually
reinforcing elements: dialogue, cooperation, and the maintenance of a
collective defense capability;</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">1994, when the Brussels
Summit associated itself with a European defense identity. In addition,
it requested an adaptation and restructuring of the Alliance to include
crisis management. It endorsed the Partnership for Peace and paved the
way for the enlargement of the Alliance; and</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">1995, when the North Atlantic
Council offered a special relationship to Russia.</FONT></FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The events of each of these key
dates proves that one of the Alliance's constant characteristics is
flexibility--the ability to evolve and adapt to challenges.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">NATO'S CURRENT GOALS</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">As part of its continuing
adaptation to change, NATO has three missions today: collective defense,
collective crisis management, and transfer of stability. NATO is still
working to find its proper role regarding collective crisis management,
although it is the only organization that has the appropriate assets at
its disposal. Conclusions must be drawn from the fact that the
relationship between the United Nations and the Alliance has turned out to
be unsatisfactory with respect to the crisis in Bosnia.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">NATO, however, does provide the
only possible security net for the worst-case scenario in that region--the
withdrawal of U.N. forces--a scenario we hope to avoid by giving those
forces more help in carrying out their mandate as well as reducing their
vulnerability. The strategy to stay deserves at least the same solidarity
as the strategy to withdraw.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">Transfer of Stability</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">As far as the transfer of
stability is concerned, NATO is on track. The process of enlargement is
now irreversible. New membership will be decided on a case-by-case basis;
some nations will attain membership before others.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">While they wait, prime
membership candidates can use the Partnership for Peace program as a
flexible mechanism to prepare themselves to meet the requirements for
smooth entry. Others can use the program to bridge the time until they can
become members. As it is an open process, they will have the possibility
of joining later.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Our approach to enlargement is
twofold and unambiguous: balancing membership and partnership.
Enlargement, therefore, will be accompanied by a political strategy
towards Russia, Ukraine, and other states in Eastern Europe.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">Russian Participation</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Russia should participate in the
European process, both as a political and an economic partner of the
European Union and as a great power that could enjoy a privileged
partnership with the Alliance. Yet the determining factor for
substantiating a special partnership with NATO is Russia itself. Russia is
urged to prepare the ground for a new partnership by solving the Chechnya
problem in a way that is commensurate with the international standards to
which it has agreed. Bloodshed and terrorist attacks against Chechnya's
civilian population do not help at all in reaching a political solution;
rather, they extend this disastrous situation.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">By the end of this year, NATO
will develop a political framework for relations with Russia. This
framework will cover the principles for security cooperation as well as
for mutual consultations. In 1996 this framework should be filled with
substance. It is important for us to remember that these two processes
remain in parallel--especially with regard to their timing.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">THE FUTURE OF NORTH
AMERICAN-EUROPEAN RELATIONS</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">To establish lasting stability
in Europe, North America will remain as important to the area as it has
been for decades. For more than 50 years the United States has been an
essential part of the European security culture. Even after the Cold War
only the United States can provide the strategic balance in and for
Europe.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Europe, however, must be willing
and able to shoulder a larger share of the common burdens and
responsibilities if it expects the United States to continue its
commitment to Europe. Whether European states succeed or not in this
endeavor will have important implications for future Euro-Atlantic
relations.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Defense and security constitute
only one aspect of our common interests. The time has come to start
defining the structure of a new "Transatlantic Covenant" or "Charter."
In my view such a charter must be based on three pillars: a political
pillar, an economic pillar, and a security pillar.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The European Union and North
America must give their partnership fresh impetus so that states on both
sides of the Atlantic are not tempted to go their own ways. The common
challenges we face make renewed transatlantic cooperation necessary; our
common roots and principles make it possible. The spirit of change, which
springs to mind here in Dresden, can be seen as a symbol for the building
of a new Europe. I am convinced that this spirit has also inspired the
atmosphere and the discussions during this year's Workshop.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0"><A HREF="ruhe.htm">Go to Top of
Page</A></FONT></FONT> <BR><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0"><A HREF="95Workshop.htm">Return
to Dresden '95 Page</A></FONT></FONT> <BR><A HREF="../index.html">Return to Home Page</A> </P>
</BODY>
</HTML>