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    <TITLE>Hungarian State Secretary Dr. Ferenc Somogyi...NATO Enlargement and
    Partnership for Peace: A Hungarian Perspective</TITLE>
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    <CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+4">NATO's Enlargement and
    Partnership for Peace:</FONT></FONT></CENTER>
    <CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+4">A Hungarian Perspective</FONT></FONT></CENTER>
    <CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+3">Hungarian State Secretary
    Dr. Ferenc Somogyi</FONT></FONT></CENTER>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">INTRODUCTION</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">As a starting point, I will say
      that Hungary considers NATO's enlargement to be the proper response by the
      North Atlantic Alliance to the new challenges in Central and Eastern
      Europe. Such a response is fully in line with the ambition of most
      countries in our region to become NATO members, recognizing as they do the
      importance of NATO, the importance of an American presence in Europe, and
      the decisive role NATO will play in the future. Moreover, the enlargement
      process will boost NATO's efforts to establish its new identity in the new
      world order and enable it to take on and receive from the new members
      valuable contributions to its integrity, credibility, and strength.</FONT></FONT>
    </P>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">NATO'S ENLARGEMENT
    PROCESS</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Expanding NATO is the sole
      viable response to the challenges we face in Central and Eastern Europe
      since it is supported by strong realities such as the indivisible nature
      of today's security. It is often said that no region is safe and secure
      without the stability of others; thus unpredictability or instability in
      Eastern Europe has security implications for the West, and NATO cannot
      afford to be indifferent to what is happening in our part of the world.</FONT></FONT>
    </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Theoretically, there are two
      kinds of attention NATO could give to our region. The first is a distant,
      out of area attention that would confine NATO action to a reaction-type of
      crisis-management policy. The second, and no doubt better, form of
      attention would lead to the integration--in various ways--of our
      countries. Such a positive, forward-looking, and result-oriented approach
      would be a major contribution to stability, project security, and greatly
      promote the democratic, free-market development of the countries in the
      region. This approach would be a clear indication of NATO's new emphasis
      on representing and enhancing democratic values and principles, a focus
      that now prevails over the core function of defending member-states
      against an outside threat during the Cold War period. This approach would
      also help prevent crisis situations from emerging.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">PARTNERSHIP FOR PEACE</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">With regard to Partnership for
      Peace, I must admit that, for many Central and Eastern European countries,
      it was not &quot;love at first sight.&quot; Many of us thought that it was
      an unnecessary detour, a substitute for the strongly desired NATO
      membership. It took us some time to realize that PFP is a strategic
      structure with two major functions: preparing countries for NATO
      membership, and contributing in its own right to the emergence of a new
      Euro-Atlantic security architecture. PFP is one element in a system whose
      other pillars are the institutions of Euro-Atlantic integration (NATO,
      European Union, Western European Union, Council of Europe), an improved
      version of OSCE, and regional as well as bilateral arrangements and
      agreements. Thus, we see that it is in the best interests of all of us
      that this program functions properly and develops further.</FONT></FONT>
    </P>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">Preparing Countries for
    NATO Membership</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">There is a direct link between
      the process of NATO enlargement and PFP, both from a procedural and a
      substantive point of view. PFP acts as a framework for the process of
      taking candidate countries from dialogue through cooperation and
      partnership to their ultimate goal: alliance membership. Major elements of
      this process, as we see them, are:</FONT></FONT> </P>
    <UL>
      <LI><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Strengthening ties of
        cooperation in political, military, and other fields;</FONT></FONT></LI>
      <LI><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Changing security philosophy
        and thought in Partner countries and in their armed forces;</FONT></FONT></LI>
      <LI><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Bringing Partner countries'
        military forces closer to NATO standards, procedures, and doctrines,
        which is a precondition for reaching the expected level of
        interoperability.</FONT></FONT></LI>
    </UL>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The defense Planning and Review
      Process is a multifaceted new feature of the above process, representing
      yet another breakthrough in substantive cooperation. We consider this
      process a framework for self-differentiation, providing the chance for
      individual countries to prove their readiness and capability and to
      present their own information on meeting admission criteria, on which
      final decisions are expected to be made. At the same time, the Planning
      and Review Process is a cooperative effort in the &quot;16 + 1&quot;
      format and also implies the possibility of some structured multilateral
      cooperation among Partners as well.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">The New Euro-Atlantic
    Security Architecture</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Regional cooperation and good
      neighborly relations are not only expectations of an enlarged NATO; they
      are also in the vital interest of the countries in question. In this
      regard, I would like to mention the successful efforts of the Hungarian
      government to sign a basic treaty with Slovakia and the treaty's recent
      ratification by an impressive 70% of the Hungarian parliament; I would
      also like to remind you of our continuous effort to sign a similar
      bilateral treaty with Romania. Hungary is happily developing ties in many
      fields of cooperation with practically all of our neighbors. (Serbia is,
      of course, a tragic exception.)</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">It is evident, therefore, that
      PFP is much more than a framework for preparing future members of NATO. It
      is, at the same time, a strategic engagement. Together with the process of
      NATO enlargement and the special arrangements of dialogue and cooperation
      with countries that would not join the North Atlantic Alliance, PFP
      contributes greatly to the success of the efforts aimed at avoiding new
      divisions among current NATO members, new members, future members, and
      non-members. We are therefore of the view that PFP should maintain its &quot;sovereignty&quot;
      and should not be merged with NACC.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Since it is in everyone's
      interest not to isolate or antagonize Russia during the process of NATO
      enlargement, Moscow's recent joining of the Partnership program can and, I
      hope, will be a major development. Of course, it is yet to be seen if this
      move on Russia's part is really more than a simple gesture to ensure the
      contact with NATO that is so badly needed to realize Russia's
      not-yet-properly-elaborated ideas for a new European security system. It
      also remains to be seen if the Russian army is genuinely interested in
      participating constructively in PFP programs and if it is ready to accept
      effective civilian and democratic control.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">Hungary and Partnership
    for Peace</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">With regard to the role
      Partnership for Peace plays in Hungary's development, I would like to
      point out that the number one challenge Hungary faces is the modernization
      of our country in the broadest possible sense. It is our firm conviction
      that the best, if not the only, way to achieve modernization is through
      Hungary's full reintegration into the European and Euro-Atlantic community
      of nations.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">In this connection, I want to
      underline that meeting NATO (and EU) expectations and making the best use
      of the possibilities offered by Partnership for Peace and our Individual
      Partnership Program coincide with our national interests, ambitions, and
      is in full harmony with the logic of our own development. NATO membership,
      as soon as possible, is a priority objective of our government and enjoys
      a broad national consensus. Of course, integration with the Euro-Atlantic
      community, in our view, means much more than full-fledged membership in
      NATO (or in the European Union, for that matter). It is a process of
      reaching Western standards and of becoming a genuinely European nation.</FONT></FONT>
    </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">From this perspective, then,
      Partnership for Peace and our Individual Partnership Program are of
      paramount importance in general terms and in specific fields as well. They
      both have a major role to play in our military reforms, which are on the
      agenda whether or not we have the chance to become a NATO member soon. Of
      course, we can carry out reforms by building up a fully independent,
      strong, but isolated Hungarian army, or we can have the chance to do it in
      an integrated way within the North Atlantic Alliance. The latter option
      would most probably not be much more expensive, but it would certainly be
      much more effective and would prevent misunderstandings and
      misinterpretations that could occur in neighboring countries if reform is
      carried out in isolation. PFP is also instrumental in strengthening
      civilian and democratic control over our armed forces, thus enhancing the
      establishment of a new relationship between the military and the new,
      democratic Hungarian society.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    <CENTER></CENTER>
    <CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">CONCLUDING REMARKS</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">It is in this spirit of
      cooperation that we continue to do our best, in addition to what we have
      already done, to implement the 1995 Hungarian Individual Partnership
      Program. This includes, among other things, a joint
      British-German-Hungarian exercise (COOPERATIVE LIGHT) in Hungary, and the
      establishment in Budapest of an international language training center for
      officers from Central and Eastern European countries with the aim of
      ensuring that a common language is found both in the figurative and the
      literal sense.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">I would also like to mention
      that by a recent government decision, an additional sum of $3 million was
      earmarked for financing PFP activities and the most immediate NATO-related
      tasks in 1995. This decision gives additional proof of our commitment to
      provide the necessary financial resources for such actions despite the
      budgetary problems we face. We have also taken all the necessary steps to
      sign the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) as soon as it is open for
      signature, and have decided to further strengthen our presence in the
      Partnership Coordination Cell both in numbers of staff and in the quality
      of work done there. Furthermore, in March 1996 we plan to host a NACC/PFP
      seminar on &quot;The Principles and Practice of Democratic and Civilian
      Control over the Armed Forces.&quot; I do hope that all of these actions
      prove that Hungary wants to be an active Partner in the broadest possible
      terms.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
    <P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">We feel that a historic
      opportunity is at hand to become one of the first countries to be admitted
      to the North Atlantic Alliance in the not very distant future. This
      opportunity would enable us to establish a major tie that would bind us
      institutionally and organically with the democracies of Western Europe and
      North America. We believe it would be a fatal error to miss this
      opportunity.</FONT></FONT> </P>
    
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