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<CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+4>The Future of NATO and Euro-Atlantic
Relations</FONT></FONT></CENTER>

<CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+3>German Minister of Defense
Volker R&uuml;he</FONT></FONT></CENTER>


<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+0>Dresden is a most appropriate place
for holding this year's NATO Workshop. Located between Prague and Berlin,
Strasbourg and Warsaw, Hamburg and Vienna, Budapest and Copenhagen, this
ancient city illustrates the fundamental and rapid changes that have taken
place in Europe in recent years. Both the past and the future are manifested
in the city's famous buildings and also in its spirit, reminding us of
the historical, cultural, and political commonalities and values we all
share in Europe.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+0>It is our responsibility to find
the right architecture for our common Europe. NATO will play an&nbsp; outstanding
part in this process.</FONT></FONT>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+1>THE NEED FOR NATO</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>


<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+0>Some people have taken the view
that since the Warsaw Pact was dissolved as a military bloc, NATO has to
follow. This is a misconception. Such thinking ignores the fact that the
North Atlantic Alliance was never a monolithic bloc, nor was it ever only
a military grouping. The Alliance is a free association of democratic,
sovereign, and self-determining nations. The need for such a community
has not been changed by the end of communism or the Cold War.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+0>The late Secretary General Manfred
W&ouml;rner was right, however, when he stated in 1991, �In the life of
every institution there are certain key dates that mark the end of one
particular phase of development and the initiation of new directions and
tasks.� The following are such key dates for the North Atlantic Alliance:</FONT></FONT>
<UL>
<LI>
<FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+0>1990, when the London Declaration initiated
a major transformation process for NATO and offered a hand of friendship
to former adversaries;</FONT></FONT></LI>

<LI>
<FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+0>1991, when the Rome Declaration based
the Alliance's security policy on three mutually reinforcing elements:
dialogue, cooperation, and the maintenance of a collective defense capability;</FONT></FONT></LI>

<LI>
<FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+0>1994, when the Brussels Summit associated
itself with a European defense identity. In addition, it requested an adaptation
and restructuring of the Alliance to include crisis management. It endorsed
the Partnership for Peace and paved the way for the enlargement of the
Alliance; and</FONT></FONT></LI>

<LI>
<FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+0>1995, when the North Atlantic Council
offered a special relationship to Russia.</FONT></FONT></LI>
</UL>
<FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+0>The events of each of these key dates
proves that one of the Alliance's constant characteristics is flexibility�the
ability to evolve and adapt to challenges.</FONT></FONT>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+1>NATO'S CURRENT GOALS</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>


<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+0>As part of its continuing adaptation
to change, NATO has three missions today: collective defense, collective
crisis management, and transfer of stability. NATO is still working to
find its proper role regarding collective crisis management, although it
is the only organization that has the appropriate assets at its disposal.
Conclusions must be drawn from the fact that the relationship between the
United Nations and the Alliance has turned out to be unsatisfactory with
respect to the crisis in Bosnia.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+0>NATO, however, does provide the
only possible security net for the worst-case scenario in that region�the
withdrawal of U.N. forces�a scenario we hope to avoid by giving those forces
more help in carrying out their mandate as well as reducing their vulnerability.
The strategy to stay deserves at least the same solidarity as the strategy
to withdraw.</FONT></FONT>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+1>Transfer of Stability</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>


<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+0>As far as the transfer of stability
is concerned, NATO is on track. The process of enlargement is now irreversible.
New membership will be decided on a case-by-case basis; some nations will
attain membership before others.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+0>While they wait, prime membership
candidates can use the Partnership for Peace program as a flexible mechanism
to prepare themselves to meet the requirements for smooth entry. Others
can use the program to bridge the time until they can become members. As
it is an open process, they will have the possibility of joining later.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+0>Our approach to enlargement is twofold
and unambiguous: balancing membership and partnership. Enlargement, therefore,
will be accompanied by a political strategy towards Russia, Ukraine, and
other states in Eastern Europe.</FONT></FONT>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+1>Russian Participation</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>


<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+0>Russia should participate in the
European process, both as a political and an economic partner of the European
Union and as a great power that could enjoy a privileged partnership with
the Alliance. Yet the determining factor for substantiating a special partnership
with NATO is Russia itself. Russia is urged to prepare the ground for a
new partnership by solving the Chechnya problem in a way that is commensurate
with the international standards to which it has agreed. Bloodshed and
terrorist attacks against Chechnya's civilian population do not help at
all in reaching a political solution; rather, they extend this disastrous
situation.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+0>By the end of this year, NATO will
develop a political framework for relations with Russia. This framework
will cover the principles for security cooperation as well as for mutual
consultations. In 1996 this framework should be filled with substance.
It is important for us to remember that these two processes remain in parallel�especially
with regard to their timing.</FONT></FONT>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+1>THE FUTURE OF NORTH AMERICAN-EUROPEAN
RELATIONS</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>


<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+0>To establish lasting stability in
Europe, North America will remain as important to the area as it has been
for decades. For more than 50 years the United States has been an essential
part of the European security culture. Even after the Cold War only the
United States can provide the strategic balance in and for Europe.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+0>Europe, however, must be willing
and able to shoulder a larger share of the common burdens and responsibilities
if it expects the United States to continue its commitment to Europe. Whether
European states succeed or not in this endeavor will have important implications
for future Euro-Atlantic relations.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+0>Defense and security constitute
only one aspect of our common interests. The time has come to start defining
the structure of a new �Transatlantic Covenant� or �Charter.� In my view
such a charter must be based on three pillars: a political pillar, an economic
pillar, and a security pillar.</FONT></FONT>

<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE=+0>The European Union and North America
must give their partnership fresh impetus so that states on both sides
of the Atlantic are not tempted to go their own ways. The common challenges
we face make renewed transatlantic cooperation necessary; our common roots
and principles make it possible. The spirit of change, which springs to
mind here in Dresden, can be seen as a symbol for the building of a new
Europe. I am convinced that this spirit has also inspired the atmosphere
and the discussions during this year's Workshop.</FONT></FONT>

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