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<TITLE>Minister of State & Foreign Affairs Teodor
Melescanu...Partnership for Peace: A Romanian Point of View</TITLE>
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<CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+4">Partnership for Peace:</FONT></FONT></CENTER>
<CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+4">A Romanian Point of View</FONT></FONT></CENTER>
<CENTER><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+3">Minister of State and
Minister of Foreign Affairs Teodor Melescanu</FONT></FONT></CENTER>
<CENTER></CENTER>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">INTRODUCTION</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Romania's presence at this
year's NATO Workshop in Dresden has, I believe, a double significance.
First, it allows us to realize that 50 years after the end of the Second
World War, former enemies are now friends, partners, and future allies. We
are sitting together and participating in an open debate on European
security; we are speaking about the future without being overwhelmed by
the shadows of the past. The time has come for cooperation and a
responsible approach to security and to recognize that European security
is indivisible.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Second, speaking about shaping a
new Europe with lasting peace and stability for the 21th century allows us
to believe that the process started in 1989 with the fall of the Berlin
Wall will continue. The reunification of Germany is a great symbol of the
post-Cold War era and one of the most important steps toward European
reunification.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER></CENTER>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">ROMANIA AND PARTNERSHIP
FOR PEACE</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Partnership for Peace represents
an enduring enterprise that will strengthen relations and enhance
cooperation for ensuring security for all of Europe. Last year, when
Romania signed the Partnership for Peace (PFP) document, many doubts were
still voiced about the program. Today, however, no one can imagine the
European security architecture without it. PFP has become a true
infrastructure for security and stability in our region.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Partnership for Peace has
projected a way for Partner states, most of which are countries in
transition, to reintegrate with European values, practices, and goals, and
thus complete the deep political and social changes that began with the
collapse of communism. PFP has also provided a vehicle for the Alliance to
further adapt to the new European realities. To all peoples, PFP has
brought hope that Europe will soon return to its natural geopolitical and
historical boundaries and acknowledge that its security is indivisible.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">In this context, Romania would
like to welcome the new openings made by the Russian Federation's signing
of the Individual Partnership Program (IPP). We hope that this act will be
followed by further promising and concrete developments.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Romania has taken an active part
in PFP from the program's very inception. We have been involved with a
large number of activities included in our Individual Partnership Program,
both in 1994 and 1995. We have participated in military exercises in other
states, hosted such exercises on our own territory, and attended a broad
range of seminars, workshops, and NATO courses and meetings; we also
developed important military contacts. All of these activities enabled our
military to get acquainted with new operating concepts, models, and
procedures and to identify needed adjustments.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Romania did not sign the PFP
document solely because it wanted to impress the West. We saw in PFP a
necessary condition, although not the only one, for admission into the
Alliance. For us, the program has proven to be extremely beneficial: it is
a perfect instrument for modernizing our armed forces--including
peacekeeping forces--through increased contact with the armed forces of
NATO member-countries; it is an important means through which to
contribute to increased stability and security on the continent; and it is
an excellent conduit for improving relations with our neighbors,
particularly through the positive impact military collaboration has on
general bilateral relationships.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Most of PFP's objectives
coincide with the goals Romania put in place when we initiated, in 1990,
the reform of the Romanian armed forces, including their restructuring and
modernization. Joining PFP has considerably stimulated and improved this
reform process, which should be completed by September 1, 1995. One of our
most important aims has been to reach NATO standards and to assure
interoperability with the armies of NATO states.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER></CENTER>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">ROMANIA'S INDIVIDUAL
PARTNERSHIP PROGRAM</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">All of the activities included
in Romania's 1994 Individual Partnership Program with NATO have been
accomplished. Our armed forces, from soldier to general, have acted and
are determined to act firmly and professionally, despite constraints
imposed by the period of transition; they also are determined to
assimilate and apply the modern training and management methods that, in
the long run, will enable us to reach NATO's operational standards.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Romania's 1995 Individual
Partnership Program is more substantial and diversified than the previous
one. It reflects the participation of Romanian sub-units, groups of staff
officers, and ships and military observers in an important number of
NATO-PFP exercises. As part of the program, Romania will also host for the
first time a multinational NATO-PFP exercise (COOPERATIVE DETERMINATION)
in September 1995. Several bilateral training sessions and exercises are
planned with NATO member-nations and Partners.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The economic and financial
effort Romania has undertaken to cover its participation in PFP is
substantial. This underlines our political will to join NATO as a
full-fledged member and our readiness to undertake the obligations
deriving from this status, including the financial costs.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<CENTER></CENTER>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">PARTNERSHIP FOR PEACE
AND THE NEW SECURITY CULTURE</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">As my colleague, German Foreign
Minister Klaus Kinkel, recently pointed out at the 30 May Ministerial
session of the North Atlantic Council in Noordwijk, Netherlands,
Partnership for Peace is part of the development of a new common security
culture in Europe. PFP provides both a new security philosophy and an
instrumental framework for common activities. Defense planning and review
brought us closer to the very essence of PFP cooperation, which is to
reach interoperability among concepts, structures, and techniques.
Implementation of the identified objectives of interoperability will make
Partners' armed forces better able to operate with Alliance forces.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Partnership for Peace is a basic
instrument for increasing security and stability on the continent. From a
practical point of view, it provides the appropriate framework to address
security issues for countries that do not intend to become members of the
Alliance, but are already participating in this form of cooperation. PFP
should also remain at the disposal of those states willing to become
members of NATO and that ask to do so.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">PFP could equally be an
instrument for projecting stability outside its area (the Mediterranean,
the Balkans, the Black Sea, the Middle East) by changing the mentality of
military cooperation and the approach to addressing security concerns. The
program could contribute by establishing a new security environment around
potential or present crisis areas, aiming at the resolution of conflicts
and the prevention of their spread.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER></CENTER>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">ROMANIA: A SECURITY
PROVIDER</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Romanian participation in PFP is
a transitory step towards membership in the Alliance, not an alternative
to it. Alliance membership, which relies on a national consensus, responds
best to our basic political and security interests, and we will pursue it
with determination. Since 1991, we have developed a consistent and steady
policy concerning integration with NATO, one based on what our country can
do for the Alliance. We consider NATO membership as an essentially
political decision.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">As a NATO member, Romania would
fully honor its obligations, increasing its contribution to peace and
stability both in border areas and in Europe. At the same time, NATO
membership would accelerate the completion of reform of the Romanian
society and economy, thus contributing to Romania's potential as a
security provider in the area and beyond. In the Balkans and in the Black
Sea in particular, Romania can be a very important security provider. Our
strategic position, economic and military potential, and good relations in
the area should be taken into account.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER></CENTER>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">NATO ENLARGEMENT</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Romania shares the view that
accession to NATO should be decided on the basis of the freely expressed
will of the interested countries and on their capacity to fulfill the
exigencies of an Alliance member. We do not feel that one country's gain
can come only through others' losses. Therefore we believe that an
institution based on the solidarity of democracies cannot refuse
membership to other democracies. Such denial could erode the institution's
own moral foundation. As far as Romania is concerned, our admission to
NATO would also signify moral reparation, because our links with the
geopolitical space we belong to by culture and civilization--that is,
Western Europe--were severely cut off after the Second World War.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">The admission criteria
established by NATO must be met. This is in the interest of the candidate
countries and will help them make a faster transition to democracy and a
market economy. But establishing criteria for NATO enlargement should not
"increase the heat," or start a new "race for NATO"
among the former non-Soviet Warsaw Pact allies. Integration into the
Alliance should not be a "beauty contest." Selective enlargement
of the Alliance would enforce the idea that the spheres of influence are
being redrawn and jeopardize both the idea and the process of integration,
of which Romania is an inalienable part. The outcome of selective
enlargement would be counterproductive and detrimental to the very
objectives of the Partnership for Peace.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Since democracy, peace, and
security cannot survive on islands, "NATO-type" relations should
be established between all PFP countries, confirming their commitment to
defend the same values the Alliance itself is pledged to protect:
democracy, stability, and welfare. Such an approach may be more valid for
the PFP countries in Central Europe that have openly stated their
determination to become full-fledged members of the Alliance.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Although the enlargement process
has been officially presented as a response to the interest manifested by
Central and Eastern European states to be integrated with NATO, the truth
is that the interest is mutual. Enlarging NATO--without establishing
dividing lines in Central Europe and without producing new problems--is
crucial to NATO's emerging new identity.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">It is against this background
that Romania looks forward to the consultations that are to take place
when the enlargement issue has been studied. This will be an important
time for the Partnership for Peace process, and it is Romania's firm
belief that the decision makers will choose the option that most favors
stability, democracy, and reinforced security in our region.</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<CENTER></CENTER>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">THE FUTURE OF
PARTNERSHIP FOR PEACE</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Based on the points above,
Romania believes that (1) Partnership for Peace should develop and
strengthen both Partners' and NATO member-states' capacity for common
action; (2) priority should be given to training and adaptations aimed at
multinational activities, including peacekeeping operations; national
activities should be thought of as components of multinational endeavors;
and (3) the current PFP philosophy should be pursued as operating
experience with it broadens.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Accordingly, we welcome the
suggestion that the planning and review of defense processes could be more
specific in defining the role and contribution of both Partners and NATO
member-states in the implementation of proposed objectives. We would like
to express our gratitude for the substantial assistance that the United
States has provided in implementing PFP programs, and for their plan to
continue to do so in the future. The positive experience of the Mil-to-Mil
program could encourage similar contributions from other quarters.
Bilateral military cooperation between NATO members and Partners has to be
one of the main instruments for building a new security philosophy in
Europe, through cooperation, transparency, and partnership, as part of the
confidence-building process.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Concerning the political side of
PFP activities, Romania believes that objectives should include:</FONT></FONT>
</P>
<UL>
<LI><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Ensuring the management of
interoperability, a field in which we see an important role for NATO's
specialized agencies, especially in coordinating assistance;</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Further consolidation of the
Partnership Coordination Cell's role, perhaps by setting up liaison
teams in the capitals of Partner states;</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Possible representation of
Partner states at the headquarters of regional commands with which
Partners cooperate in implementing programs;</FONT></FONT></LI>
<LI><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">Ensuring more transparency
and access to NATO standards and procedures that are important to
implementing interoperability objectives, as well as to technical
expertise and consultation.</FONT></FONT></LI>
</UL>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">We also believe that a way
should be found to periodically evaluate against guidelines and parameters
the progress of implementing interoperability objectives; we welcome the
suggestion that the Planning and Review Process could be expanded to cover
a deeper military relationship.</FONT></FONT> </P>
<CENTER></CENTER>
<CENTER><B><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+1">CONCLUDING REMARKS</FONT></FONT></B></CENTER>
<P><FONT COLOR="#000000"><FONT SIZE="+0">NATO and the U.S. presence on
the continent guarantee the balance of power in Europe. We therefore
welcome Secretary of State Warren Christopher's statement that America's
engagement in Europe and in NATO is as firm and unshakable as ever. This
and other similar statements made by the Clinton Administration continue
to show us that the U.S. is directly and materially interested in the
future of Central Europe. Europe and America are not, however, only a
defense community; they are also a community of people. We agree with
former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger that an even greater
relationship between Europe and the U.S. is needed to preserve the
cohesion of the Euro-Atlantic community. PFP should continue to remain the
most important vehicle for integration into the Alliance and treat equally
all states that wish to be admitted. On their part, states that wish to be
admitted must show readiness to promote the basic and tested values on
which the Alliance stands, and bring with them the assets of democracy,
market economy, a constructive spirit of cooperation, and a consolidated
security environment. Enlarging NATO will continue to move eastward the
values and prosperity of the West.</FONT></FONT> </P>
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