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<p align="center" class="style17">Table of Contents<br>
25th International Workshop - Rome '08</p>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/weissinger-preface.html">Preface- Dr. Roger<br>Weissinger-Baylon<br>Workshop Chairman<br></a>
<a href="/2008book/weissinger-overview.html">Workshop Chairman's Overview - Dr. Roger Weissinger-Baylon</a>
<a href="/2008book/joulwan.html">Opening Dinner Debate - <br>General George Joulwan<br>Former SACEUR</a>
<p>
<p align="center" class="style17">Part One<p>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/la-russa.html">Italian Defense Minister<br />
Ignazio La Russa
</a>
<a href="/2008book/browne.html">British Defense Minister<br />
The Rt Hon Des Browne
</a>
<a href="/2008book/gonul.html">Turkish Defense Minister<br />
Vecdi G�n�l
</a>
<a href="/2008book/di-paola.html">NATO Military Committee Chairman<br />
Admiral Giampaolo Di Paola
</a>
<a href="/2008book/zappata.html">Admiral Luciano Zappata<br />
Dep Supreme Allied
Commander Transformation
</a>
<a href="/2008book/camporini.html">Italian Chief of Defense<br />
General Vincenzo Camporini
</a>
<a href="/2008book/zappa.html">Alenia Aeronautica Chairman<br />
Dr. Giorgio Zappa
</a>
<br>Part Two<br>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/baramidze.html">Georgian Vice Prime Minister<br />
Giorgi Baramidze
</a>
<a href="/2008book/chizhov.html">Russian Amb to EU<br />
Vladimir Chizhov
</a>
<br>Part Three<br>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/eldon.html">British Amb to NATO<br />
Stewart Eldon
</a>
<a href="/2008book/akram.html">Pakistan's Amb to U.N.<br />
Munir Akram
</a>
<a href="/2008book/de-la-sabliere.html">French Amb to Italy<br />
Jean-Marc de la Sabli�re
</a>
<a href="/2008book/tkeshelashvili.html">Georgian Foreign Minister<br />
Eka Tkeshelashvili
</a>
<a href="/2008book/stefanini.html">Italian Amb to NATO<br />
Stefano Stefanini
</a>
<a href="/2008book/buzhinsky.html">Lt Gen Evgeniy Buzhinsky<br />
Russian Min of Defense
</a>
<a href="/2008book/winid.html">Polish Amb to NATO<br />
Boguslaw Winid
</a>
<br>Part Four<br>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/tegnelia.html">DTRA Director<br />
Dr. James Tegnelia
</a>
<a href="/2008book/rood.html">U.S. Under Sec of State<br />
John Rood
</a>
<a href="/2008book/joseph.html">Former Under Sec of State<br />
Amb Robert Joseph</a>
<a href="/2008book/berdennikov.html">Russian Amb-at-large<br />
Grigory V. Berdennikov
</a>
<a href="/2008book/benkert.html">U.S. Asst Sec of Defense<br />
Joseph Benkert
</a>
<a href="/2008book/flory.html">NATO Asst Sec Gen<br />
Peter Flory
</a>
<a href="/2008book/sedivy.html">NATO Asst Sec Gen<br />
Jiri Sedivy
</a>
<a href="/2008book/pfirter.html">OPCW Dir Gen<br />
Amb Rogelio Pfirter
</a>
<br>Part Five<br>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/lather.html">SHAPE Chief of Staff<br />
General Karl-Heinz Lather
</a>
<a href="/2008book/fitzgerald.html">Admiral Mark. P. Fitzgerald
<br />
Allied Joint Force Command Naples
</a>
<a href="/2008book/ildem.html">Turkish Amb to NATO<br />
Tacan Ildem
</a>
<a href="/2008book/schuwirth.html">Fmr SHAPE Chief of Staff<br />
General Rainer Schuwirth
</a>
<a href="/2008book/acosta.html">Global Impact CEO<br />
Ms. Renee Acosta
</a>
<a href="/2008book/soligan.html">Lt Gen James Soligan<br />
Allied Command-Transformation
</a>
<a href="/2008book/bagnall.html">Former UK Vice Chief of Defense Staff<br />
ACM Sir Anthony Bagnall
</a>
<br>Part Six
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/volkman.html">U.S. Dir of Internat. Coop.<br />
Alfred Volkman
</a>
<a href="/2008book/tozzi.html">Major General Claudio Tozzi<br />
Italian Defense Ministry
</a>
<a href="/2008book/homberg.html">EADS Senior Vice Pres<br />
Thomas Homberg
</a>
<a href="/2008book/shephard.html">Northrop Grumman VP<br />
Mr. Timothy Shephard
</a>
<a href="/2008book/buckley.html">Thales Senior VP<br />
Dr. Edgar Buckley
</a>
<a href="/2008book/harris.html">Lockheed Martin Global Pres.<br />
Dr. Scott A. Harris
</a>
<a href="/2008book/schneider.html">AFCEA CEO<br />
Kent Schneider
</a>
<a href="/2008book/patterson.html">Mr. David Patterson<br />
Univ of Tennessee
</a>
<p align="center" class="style17">Part Seven
<p align="center" class="style17" style="margin-bottom: 0;">
<a href="/2008book/grimes.html">U.S. Asst Sec of Def<br />
Hon. John G. Grimes
</a>
<a href="/2008book/lentz.html">U.S. Dep Asst Sec of Def<br />
Robert Lentz
</a>
<a href="/2008book/aaviksoo.html">Estonian Defense Minister<br />
Jaak Aaviksoo
</a>
<a href="/2008book/bloechl.html">Microsoft, Managing Dir.<br />
Tim Bloechl
</a>
<a href="/2008book/wolf.html">Lt Gen Ulrich Wolf<br />
NATO CIS Service Agency Dir
</a>
<a href="/2008book/monteforte.html">Italian Milrep to NATO<br />
Vice Adm Ferdinando Sanfelice di Monteforte
</a>
<a href="/2008book/lintonen.html">Finnish Amb to UN<br />
Kirsti Lintonen
</a>
<a href="/2008book/silvestri.html">Dr. Stefano Silvestri<br />
Istituto Affari Internazionali
</a>
<a href="/2008book/yousfi.html">Algerian Amb to UN<br />
Youcef Yousfi
</a>
<a href="/2008book/karem.html">Egyptian Amb to EU<br />
Mahmoud Karem
</a>
<a href="/2008book/tarasyuk.html">Former Ukrainian Foreign Minister<br />
Borys Tarasyuk
</a>
</div>
</div>
<div id="content">
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<h2 class="workshop_year">Rome '08 Workshop</h2>
<!-- InstanceBeginEditable name="Main Content" -->
<h1>
International Crises and Failed States </h1>
<h2 style="margin-bottom: 0;">
Ambassador Stefano Stefanini</h2>
<h2 style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0;"><B>Italian Ambassador to NATO </B></h2>
<p align="center" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0;"><img src="images/stefanini.jpg" alt="Ambassador Stefano Stefanini" width="114" height="139"></p>
<p style="margin-top: 0;">
In this forum, last year I stressed that engagement, namely NATO’s engagement,
makes the difference. I remain fully convinced of it. Afghanistan is a
case in point. I fully agree with Ambassador Eldon on Afghanistan being
NATO’s first priority. But I want to make a broader point and connect what
we are doing in Afghanistan with the various crises we are dealing with—Ambassador
de la Sablière gave us an impressive list of crises in which the U.N. is
involved. We have to identify exactly what we are doing. Yes, we are fighting
a country insurgency in Afghanistan, but we are also trying to do what
the Afghan government at this point in time is unable to do. </p>
<p>
Then my broader question is: “is there a common thread throughout the various
crises we are dealing with—in the Middle East, in South Asia, in Africa,
and elsewhere?” My answer to that is very simple: We are dealing with “failed
States.” </p>
<h2>THE EFFECTS OF FAILED STATES </h2>
<p>
Without underestimating the specificities of each country or crisis, the
crises we are referring to happen in a context of collapsing State authority,
weakening institutions, lack of governance and of rule of law. I. e. they
happen where there is no “State”, or no State that we are able to deal
with, be it Somalia, Afghanistan or the Gaza strip. To different degrees
to be sure, institutions as we know them, not only the Ministries but also
the basic institutions of communities—the schools, the army, the police—are
melting down or significantly degraded. All these situational crises have
greatly affected the international community—each is different but they
have in common the fact that in each one of them we find ourselves faced
with a lack of responsibility and a lack of accountability. </p>
<p>
Recently, Admiral di Paola discussed the Westphalian order in crises, but,
Westphalian order or not, any concept of international relations, let alone
of an international order or system, is based on the assumption that we
can hold someone responsible for what happens in any given geopolitical
entity or piece of land, be it a government, a regime, a dictator, a party
secretary-general, or even a tribal chief. When we do not have a clear
interlocutor, even if it is an enemy, then we have a problem. To me this
is the essence of the problem of failed States. Any of them represents
a security threat, a threat to<I> our s</I>ecurity. If we think about it thoroughly,
many of the threats that we identify—terror, extremism, proliferation—in
some respect are effects rather than causes of the collapse of state authorities
in significant parts of the world.<I> </I></p>
<p>
We entered the twenty-first century with many misgivings about failed States,
especially because the record was mixed—a failure in Somalia, quite a success
in Bosnia. To be sure they come in all shades of grey rather than in black
and white, including in the frozen conflict format, where you have a piece
of land where it is not clear who is in charge. I could give you a list
of the different levels of failed States we have just in the geographical
area that is being underlined—I mentioned Somalia, Afghanistan and the
Gaza strip, and I could add Lebanon. One major difference between Iraq
and Afghanistan is that in Iraq we might have underestimated the possibilities
of immediately empowering the Iraqis, while in Afghanistan we overestimated
the capacity of the Afghans to take charge. And in Pakistan, the peace
accord established by the Islamabad government in the Federally Administered
Tribal Areas (FATA), can only give us concern to the extent that it too
creates a lawless situation in that region. </p>
<h2>ADDRESSING THE ISSUE OF FAILED STATES </h2>
<p>
If we agree that the collapse of the State is the mother of all crises,
at least in this category, let me sum up with some quick thoughts on how
we should deal with it. </p>
<p>
1. First, we must be very clear about the issue is that we have to deal
with so that we can “attack” the existence of failed States, attack the
“failure” not the State, to try to put an end to the situation. </p>
<p>
2. Second, and this has been said by various speakers, we must share the
burden. That is what we say at NATO—we say that NATO cannot do it alone.
We say share the burden, both in terms of division of labor and also in
terms of coordination when we act together. This applies both to organizations
and to nations. </p>
<p>
3. The third point, and I think this is a case in which political correctness
can be an enemy of common sense, we have to be realistic about “ownership”.
If a State is failing, we cannot just say, “We give you ownership.” To
whom would we give ownership? If there is no capacity for governance, we
must first build governance; then we can have a handover. The prospective
owner must be first empowered to “own,” An election by itself will not
do it. If I may briefly digress, this is what the EU even more than NATO
is trying to do with Kosovo—it tries to avoid having a failed State in
the middle of the Balkans. That is why I find the Russian attitude toward
this situation rather shortsighted, since what we are trying to do, mainly
through the EU, is just to avoid a problem. </p>
<p>
4. My fourth point, again, is that we have to do away with some political
correctness. It is clear that reconstruction needs security and that security
without reconstruction will not last. We then have to put aside the orthodoxy
about separation between the so-called military and the so-called civil
arena. This kind of separation—the military does not do nation-building,
development assistance agencies or NGOs do not cooperate with the military—is
simply self-defeating, both nationally and internationally. This is difficult
to internalize especially for NGOS, but it is the only way forward in this
field. Security (“clear and hold”) must go together with assistance (“build”).
How we do it is relatively unimportant but do it we must. Security must
be provided to and must be accepted by whoever does reconstruction. </p>
<p>
5. My fifth point, which Italian Chief of Defense General Camporini made
very clear, is that we have to talk to our people—we have to create constituencies.
What we are trying to do when we deal with failed States is a hard sell
domestically, because it is not clear to anybody that providing peacekeeping
in Lebanon or sending troops to Chad or suffering losses in Afghanistan
is also in our own national interest and for our own security. To this
end we have to build constituencies, we have to make the case with public
opinions and with Parliaments, both at home and in the countries in which
we operate. </p>
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