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      <p align="center" class="style17">Table of Contents<br>
      25th International Workshop - Rome '08</p>
      
      
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      <a href="/2008book/weissinger-preface.html">Preface- Dr. Roger<br>Weissinger-Baylon<br>Workshop Chairman<br></a>
      <a href="/2008book/weissinger-overview.html">Workshop Chairman's Overview - Dr. Roger Weissinger-Baylon</a>
	<a href="/2008book/joulwan.html">Opening Dinner Debate - <br>General George Joulwan<br>Former SACEUR</a>
	<p>
	
	<p align="center" class="style17">Part One<p>

	  
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      <a href="/2008book/la-russa.html">Italian Defense Minister<br /> 
Ignazio La Russa
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	  <a href="/2008book/browne.html">British Defense Minister<br />
The Rt Hon Des Browne
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	  <a href="/2008book/gonul.html">Turkish Defense Minister<br />
Vecdi G�n�l
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	  <a href="/2008book/di-paola.html">NATO Military Committee Chairman<br />
Admiral Giampaolo Di Paola
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	        <a href="/2008book/zappata.html">Admiral Luciano Zappata<br />
Dep Supreme Allied
Commander Transformation      
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      <a href="/2008book/camporini.html">Italian Chief of Defense<br />
General Vincenzo Camporini  
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      <a href="/2008book/zappa.html">Alenia Aeronautica Chairman<br />
Dr. Giorgio Zappa  
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        <br>Part Two<br>
      
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      <a href="/2008book/baramidze.html">Georgian Vice Prime Minister<br />
Giorgi Baramidze
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        <a href="/2008book/chizhov.html">Russian Amb to EU<br />
Vladimir Chizhov 
</a>
        
        <br>Part Three<br>
      
      <p align="center" class="style17">
      <a href="/2008book/eldon.html">British Amb to NATO<br />
Stewart Eldon    
</a>      
      <a href="/2008book/akram.html">Pakistan's Amb to U.N.<br />
Munir Akram   
</a> 
      <a href="/2008book/de-la-sabliere.html">French Amb to Italy<br />
Jean-Marc de la Sabli�re  
</a>
      <a href="/2008book/tkeshelashvili.html">Georgian Foreign Minister<br />
Eka Tkeshelashvili     
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      <a href="/2008book/stefanini.html">Italian Amb to NATO<br />
Stefano Stefanini   
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      <a href="/2008book/buzhinsky.html">Lt Gen Evgeniy Buzhinsky<br />  
Russian Min of Defense
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	  <a href="/2008book/winid.html">Polish Amb to NATO<br />
Boguslaw Winid         
</a>
	
	
	<br>Part Four<br>
	
	<p align="center" class="style17">
      <a href="/2008book/tegnelia.html">DTRA Director<br />
Dr. James Tegnelia
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      <a href="/2008book/rood.html">U.S. Under Sec of State<br />
John Rood
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        <a href="/2008book/joseph.html">Former Under Sec of State<br />
Amb Robert Joseph</a>
        <a href="/2008book/berdennikov.html">Russian Amb-at-large<br />
Grigory V. Berdennikov  
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Joseph Benkert
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Peter Flory
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        <a href="/2008book/sedivy.html">NATO Asst Sec Gen<br />
Jiri Sedivy
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        <a href="/2008book/pfirter.html">OPCW Dir Gen<br />
Amb Rogelio Pfirter
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        <br>Part Five<br>
        
              
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General Karl-Heinz Lather  
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      <a href="/2008book/fitzgerald.html">Admiral Mark. P. Fitzgerald
<br />
Allied Joint Force Command Naples     
</a>
      <a href="/2008book/ildem.html">Turkish Amb to NATO<br />
Tacan Ildem
</a>
      <a href="/2008book/schuwirth.html">Fmr SHAPE Chief of Staff<br />
General Rainer Schuwirth
</a>
      <a href="/2008book/acosta.html">Global Impact CEO<br />
Ms. Renee Acosta
</a>
      <a href="/2008book/soligan.html">Lt Gen James Soligan<br />
Allied Command-Transformation
</a>
      <a href="/2008book/bagnall.html">Former UK Vice Chief of Defense Staff<br />
ACM Sir Anthony Bagnall
</a>
      
      
      <br>Part Six
      
      
      <p align="center" class="style17">
      <a href="/2008book/volkman.html">U.S. Dir of Internat. Coop.<br />
Alfred Volkman
</a>
      <a href="/2008book/tozzi.html">Major General Claudio Tozzi<br />
Italian Defense Ministry 
</a>
      <a href="/2008book/homberg.html">EADS Senior Vice Pres<br />
Thomas Homberg                                            
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      <a href="/2008book/shephard.html">Northrop Grumman VP<br />
Mr. Timothy Shephard                                            
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      <a href="/2008book/buckley.html">Thales Senior VP<br />
Dr. Edgar Buckley                                                  
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      <a href="/2008book/harris.html">Lockheed Martin Global Pres.<br />
Dr. Scott A. Harris                                                             
</a>
      <a href="/2008book/schneider.html">AFCEA CEO<br />
Kent Schneider                                                                                                                          
</a>
      <a href="/2008book/patterson.html">Mr. David Patterson<br />
Univ of Tennessee
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      <p align="center" class="style17">Part Seven
      
      
      <p align="center" class="style17" style="margin-bottom: 0;">
      <a href="/2008book/grimes.html">U.S. Asst Sec of Def<br />
Hon. John G. Grimes
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        <a href="/2008book/lentz.html">U.S. Dep Asst Sec of Def<br />
Robert Lentz
</a>
        <a href="/2008book/aaviksoo.html">Estonian Defense Minister<br />
Jaak Aaviksoo                                                                                         
</a>
        <a href="/2008book/bloechl.html">Microsoft, Managing Dir.<br />
Tim Bloechl
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        <a href="/2008book/wolf.html">Lt Gen Ulrich Wolf<br />
NATO CIS Service Agency Dir
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        <a href="/2008book/monteforte.html">Italian Milrep to NATO<br />
Vice Adm Ferdinando Sanfelice di Monteforte   
</a>
        <a href="/2008book/lintonen.html">Finnish Amb to UN<br />
Kirsti Lintonen  
</a>      
      <a href="/2008book/silvestri.html">Dr. Stefano Silvestri<br />
Istituto Affari Internazionali     
</a>
      <a href="/2008book/yousfi.html">Algerian Amb to UN<br />
Youcef Yousfi                                                   
</a>
      <a href="/2008book/karem.html">Egyptian Amb to EU<br />
Mahmoud Karem                                              
</a>
      <a href="/2008book/tarasyuk.html">Former Ukrainian Foreign Minister<br />
Borys Tarasyuk
</a>
      
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  <div id="content">
  
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    <h2 class="workshop_year">Rome '08 Workshop</h2>
    <!-- InstanceBeginEditable name="Main Content" -->
    <h1>
From the Balkans to Afghanistan: Dealing with the Challenges&nbsp;</h1>
<h2 style="margin-bottom: 0;">
General Karl-Heinz Lather</h2>
<h2 style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0;"><B>SHAPE Chief of Staff&nbsp;</B></h2>
<p align="center" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0;"><img src="images/lather.png" alt="General Karl-Heinz Lather" width="145" height="205"></p>
<p style="margin-top: 0;">
We have been in the Balkans since 1992, supporting UNPROFOR and enforcing
 the no-flying zone. During an operation that was called Deny Flight, NATO
 aircraft helped UNPROFOR protect its forces and served as a deterrent to
 the then-warring parties. In 1994, cooperation between the United Nations
 and NATO intensified, and NATO aircraft conducted close air support and
 air strikes on selected targets.&nbsp;</p>
<p>
The security situation in Bosnia Herzegovina worsened in July 1995 with
 the fall of the U.N. Safe Havens, Srebrenica being just one of them. NATO
 was then asked to conduct air strikes against Bosnian Serb positions with
 heavy weapons and then, during Operation Deliberate Force, which was conducted
 between the end of August and mid-September 1995, we flew a total of 3,515
 missions. This operation was crucial in bringing the warring parties to
 the negotiating table at Dayton and, at the end of 1995, bringing all NATO
 nations together with 18 non-NATO nations, including Russia. A force of
 54,000 troops was provided in IFOR to provide a safe and secure environment
 for the implementation of what we call the General Framework of Agreement
 for Peace in Bosnia-Herzegovina.&nbsp;</p>
<p>
Several years later, NATO air power was used again in Kosovo. The Kosovo
 crisis reached a peak in the middle of 1998, when large-scale violence
 led to hundreds of civilian casualties and the displacement of nearly 300,000
 people from their homes. International efforts over the following months
 failed to reach a diplomatic resolution to the conflict. Despite efforts
 to maintain a cease-fire, with international observation and verification
 supported by NATO, the humanitarian and security situation continued to
 worsen.&nbsp;</p>
<p>
In the spring of 1999, NATO made a unilateral decision to intervene to
 bring about the end of the humanitarian crisis and to stop violence and
 repression. We made air attacks against selected targets in the former
 Republic of Yugoslavia in order to compel compliance with U.N. Security
 Council Resolutions and force withdrawal of their force from the province
 of Kosovo. Mandated later by the still-in-place U.N. Resolution 1244, NATO-led
 forces dedicated by Operation Joint Guardian were deployed in Kosovo. where
 they still are. And you heard the number where we currently stand. Now,
 what can we learn from all that?&nbsp;</p>

<h2>COMMAND AND CONTROL OF FORCES</h2>
<p>
In the area of command and control of forces, it is necessary to have a
 robustly resourced force from the very beginning of each peace enforcement
 operation. This is essential, not only to deal with the challenges in theater
 and to demonstrate the resolve of the international community to implement
 the relevant peace agreement but also to ensure that critical military
 capabilities are met from the outside. If unfilled, such critical shortfalls
 are likely to remain for some time and will place those serving in operation
 theaters at additional risk, including risk of life. Unity of command is
 desired and is demanded from the military from the outset. However, in
 the case of an alliance of nations, it must be recognized that nations
 will rarely give full command of their forces to the operational commander.
 Forces will arrive with restrictions, both upon the deployment and their
 people&#146;s employment. These restrictions or caveats place limitations on
 the operational and tactical commanders. It is imperative that these limitations
 be fully understood by all in the chain of command and that action is taken
 often at the political level to insure that over time these restrictions
 are minimized or ideally fade away or are removed. With rules of engagement
 being developed as part of each operation&#146;s plan, some participating nations
 might be more restricted because of constitutional or political reasons
 or constraints. Once again, such differences need to be harmonized to ensure
 that forces can coordinate and act unanimously throughout the theater of
 operations.&nbsp;</p>
<h2>SITUATIONAL AWARENESS&nbsp;</h2>
<p>
The second point is the need for situational awareness. That is a key element
 of the successful implementation of the military aspects of any peace enforcement
 operation, and insures that commanders at all levels maintain situation
 awareness. This point is vital not only for commanders to know where they
 are in relation to other units but also to understand their environment
 to the fullest extent.&nbsp;</p>
<p>
At the beginning of an operation, maintaining situational awareness will
 largely be in the hands of regular military units supported by intelligence
 elements that are organic to them. However, over time, when general compliance
 has been achieved, there is the opportunity to reduce what one could call
 the hard edge of the military profile and move to operations that are intelligence
 driven. Lessons learned in Bosnia-Herzegovina and I think in Kosovo clearly
 demonstrate the utility of small teams like liaison and observation teams
 that discreetly carry their side-arms and are deployed to local municipalities
 to meet, talk to, and understand the people and, of course, to report to
 the chain of command. Understanding how individuals feel about particular
 issues and when preemptive action might be needed by the military to ensure
 that the military element of the operation maintains the initiative is
 key.&nbsp;</p>
<h2>NON-MILITARY TASKS&nbsp;</h2>
<p>
My third point is that international peace forces deployed to a crisis
 reaction operation must be aware that they may have to fulfill non-military
 tasks. We do not like that. Each operation is conducted under an internationally
 approved mandate and, for Alliance operations, the tasks that a force can
 conduct are detailed in the relevant operation&#146;s plan. Should new tasks
 arise, as currently is the case for KFOR, then NATO as an organization
 may decide that they can be undertaken.&nbsp;</p>
<p>
While NATO forces generally do not undertake nation-building tasks, it
 is important that the local governments and security institutions of the
 country in which NATO forces operate are brought to maturity as quickly
 as possible and that indigenous capabilities and capacities are developed.
 During the initial stages of operations, forces must be capable of maintaining
 a safe and secure environment if necessary, up to the use of lethal force.
 However, as operations develop, the maintenance of the environment gradually
 must be guaranteed through the use of non-lethal means. In KFOR, and earlier
 in SFOR-IFOR, the biggest challenge was to build up crowd- and riot-control
 units&#146; capabilities to deal with demonstrations, disturbances, and civil
 unrest. In some cases in which KFOR troops contributed, nations had to
 change national legislation to allow their forces to be equipped and trained
 for that task. Once achieved, this capability became what I think is a
 very powerful and effective deterrent. Also in Kosovo, KFOR had to secure
 and has to secure many patrimonial sites of religious and cultural significance.
 Given the sensitivity of the parties in Kosovo to these sites, we think
 the use of military force for this purpose is appropriate, although manpower
 intensive, because it helps to calm emotions and the situation.&nbsp;</p>

<h2>MISSION HANDOVER&nbsp;</h2>
<p>
At some point in time, we become ready for the mission handover. Normally,
 peace support operations follow a similar routine: preparation is first,
 deployment is second, then execution, and then redeployment. The center
 of gravity for us lies in the execution phase, which could be further split
 into a number of stages pending the specific situation. Based on the assessment
 of the overall situation in theater, leaders might decide to conduct a
 mission handover to other organizations. The best timing is foreseen at
 the end of the deterrent-present stage&#151;which Mark Fitzgerald alluded to
 as well&#151;just before moving into what we call minimum presence posture.
 The latest example of such a handover was in Bosnia-Herzegovina, when,
 at the completion of SFOR, NATO handed over to EU ALTHEA and left behind
 only a minimal footprint in the country. Our experience tells us that such
 a handover has to be planned very carefully, including the important tasks
 of the various organizations, the delineation of such tasks, intelligence
 sharing, and providing access to historical data.&nbsp;</p>
<h2>COOPERATION WITH OTHER ORGANIZATIONS&nbsp;</h2>
<p>
The last point is the need for cooperation with other organizations. International
 peace forces are not usually deployed alone; a number of international
 governments and non-governmental organizations are deployed as well. Each
 of these organizations addresses specific target areas and develops its
 own mostly independent lines of operation. Experience tells us that there
 is really a need to coordinate all these activities in theater, to deliver
 a comprehensive and even-handed approach to the conflicting parties. NATO
 commanders are instructed to routinely maintain good relations with the
 heads of other organizations in the area. Recently, we developed the concept
 of liaison and observation teams in Bosnia-Herzegovina and liaison monitoring
 in Kosovo. The purpose is not only to deal with representatives of the
 local populations but also to coordinate with other organizations working
 in the same area. That is of mutual benefit to all parties concerned.&nbsp;</p>
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