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<p align="center" class="style17">Table of Contents<br>
25th International Workshop - Rome '08</p>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/weissinger-preface.html">Preface- Dr. Roger<br>Weissinger-Baylon<br>Workshop Chairman<br></a>
<a href="/2008book/weissinger-overview.html">Workshop Chairman's Overview - Dr. Roger Weissinger-Baylon</a>
<a href="/2008book/joulwan.html">Opening Dinner Debate - <br>General George Joulwan<br>Former SACEUR</a>
<p>
<p align="center" class="style17">Part One<p>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/la-russa.html">Italian Defense Minister<br />
Ignazio La Russa
</a>
<a href="/2008book/browne.html">British Defense Minister<br />
The Rt Hon Des Browne
</a>
<a href="/2008book/gonul.html">Turkish Defense Minister<br />
Vecdi G�n�l
</a>
<a href="/2008book/di-paola.html">NATO Military Committee Chairman<br />
Admiral Giampaolo Di Paola
</a>
<a href="/2008book/zappata.html">Admiral Luciano Zappata<br />
Dep Supreme Allied
Commander Transformation
</a>
<a href="/2008book/camporini.html">Italian Chief of Defense<br />
General Vincenzo Camporini
</a>
<a href="/2008book/zappa.html">Alenia Aeronautica Chairman<br />
Dr. Giorgio Zappa
</a>
<br>Part Two<br>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/baramidze.html">Georgian Vice Prime Minister<br />
Giorgi Baramidze
</a>
<a href="/2008book/chizhov.html">Russian Amb to EU<br />
Vladimir Chizhov
</a>
<br>Part Three<br>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/eldon.html">British Amb to NATO<br />
Stewart Eldon
</a>
<a href="/2008book/akram.html">Pakistan's Amb to U.N.<br />
Munir Akram
</a>
<a href="/2008book/de-la-sabliere.html">French Amb to Italy<br />
Jean-Marc de la Sabli�re
</a>
<a href="/2008book/tkeshelashvili.html">Georgian Foreign Minister<br />
Eka Tkeshelashvili
</a>
<a href="/2008book/stefanini.html">Italian Amb to NATO<br />
Stefano Stefanini
</a>
<a href="/2008book/buzhinsky.html">Lt Gen Evgeniy Buzhinsky<br />
Russian Min of Defense
</a>
<a href="/2008book/winid.html">Polish Amb to NATO<br />
Boguslaw Winid
</a>
<br>Part Four<br>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/tegnelia.html">DTRA Director<br />
Dr. James Tegnelia
</a>
<a href="/2008book/rood.html">U.S. Under Sec of State<br />
John Rood
</a>
<a href="/2008book/joseph.html">Former Under Sec of State<br />
Amb Robert Joseph</a>
<a href="/2008book/berdennikov.html">Russian Amb-at-large<br />
Grigory V. Berdennikov
</a>
<a href="/2008book/benkert.html">U.S. Asst Sec of Defense<br />
Joseph Benkert
</a>
<a href="/2008book/flory.html">NATO Asst Sec Gen<br />
Peter Flory
</a>
<a href="/2008book/sedivy.html">NATO Asst Sec Gen<br />
Jiri Sedivy
</a>
<a href="/2008book/pfirter.html">OPCW Dir Gen<br />
Amb Rogelio Pfirter
</a>
<br>Part Five<br>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/lather.html">SHAPE Chief of Staff<br />
General Karl-Heinz Lather
</a>
<a href="/2008book/fitzgerald.html">Admiral Mark. P. Fitzgerald
<br />
Allied Joint Force Command Naples
</a>
<a href="/2008book/ildem.html">Turkish Amb to NATO<br />
Tacan Ildem
</a>
<a href="/2008book/schuwirth.html">Fmr SHAPE Chief of Staff<br />
General Rainer Schuwirth
</a>
<a href="/2008book/acosta.html">Global Impact CEO<br />
Ms. Renee Acosta
</a>
<a href="/2008book/soligan.html">Lt Gen James Soligan<br />
Allied Command-Transformation
</a>
<a href="/2008book/bagnall.html">Former UK Vice Chief of Defense Staff<br />
ACM Sir Anthony Bagnall
</a>
<br>Part Six
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/volkman.html">U.S. Dir of Internat. Coop.<br />
Alfred Volkman
</a>
<a href="/2008book/tozzi.html">Major General Claudio Tozzi<br />
Italian Defense Ministry
</a>
<a href="/2008book/homberg.html">EADS Senior Vice Pres<br />
Thomas Homberg
</a>
<a href="/2008book/shephard.html">Northrop Grumman VP<br />
Mr. Timothy Shephard
</a>
<a href="/2008book/buckley.html">Thales Senior VP<br />
Dr. Edgar Buckley
</a>
<a href="/2008book/harris.html">Lockheed Martin Global Pres.<br />
Dr. Scott A. Harris
</a>
<a href="/2008book/schneider.html">AFCEA CEO<br />
Kent Schneider
</a>
<a href="/2008book/patterson.html">Mr. David Patterson<br />
Univ of Tennessee
</a>
<p align="center" class="style17">Part Seven
<p align="center" class="style17" style="margin-bottom: 0;">
<a href="/2008book/grimes.html">U.S. Asst Sec of Def<br />
Hon. John G. Grimes
</a>
<a href="/2008book/lentz.html">U.S. Dep Asst Sec of Def<br />
Robert Lentz
</a>
<a href="/2008book/aaviksoo.html">Estonian Defense Minister<br />
Jaak Aaviksoo
</a>
<a href="/2008book/bloechl.html">Microsoft, Managing Dir.<br />
Tim Bloechl
</a>
<a href="/2008book/wolf.html">Lt Gen Ulrich Wolf<br />
NATO CIS Service Agency Dir
</a>
<a href="/2008book/monteforte.html">Italian Milrep to NATO<br />
Vice Adm Ferdinando Sanfelice di Monteforte
</a>
<a href="/2008book/lintonen.html">Finnish Amb to UN<br />
Kirsti Lintonen
</a>
<a href="/2008book/silvestri.html">Dr. Stefano Silvestri<br />
Istituto Affari Internazionali
</a>
<a href="/2008book/yousfi.html">Algerian Amb to UN<br />
Youcef Yousfi
</a>
<a href="/2008book/karem.html">Egyptian Amb to EU<br />
Mahmoud Karem
</a>
<a href="/2008book/tarasyuk.html">Former Ukrainian Foreign Minister<br />
Borys Tarasyuk
</a>
</div>
</div>
<div id="content">
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<h2 class="workshop_year">Rome '08 Workshop</h2>
<!-- InstanceBeginEditable name="Main Content" -->
<h1>
The Growing Threats: Egypt’s Approach </h1>
<h2 style="margin-bottom: 0;">
Ambassador Mahmoud Karem</h2>
<h2 style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0;">Egyptian Ambassador to the European Union </h2>
<h2 style="margin-top: 0;"><img src="images/karem.jpg" alt="Ambassador Mahmoud Karem" width="73" height="91"></h2>
<p style="margin-bottom: 0;"> </p>
<p style="margin-top: 0;">
In the past few days, the discussion has reflected the ongoing debate and
the divergence of views on a standard definition of security. Globalization
has indeed affected us all—the world has become smaller and intertwined,
and reciprocal dependence has become greater. Most of the present-day challenges
and threats are transnational. They emanate from different sources, not
only from governmental and non-state actors. </p>
<h2>THE MANY TYPES OF CURRENT THREATS</h2>
<p>
Some people have identified the threats we face today as international
terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and their
delivery systems. But the threat list is longer, and includes regional
and interstate conflicts, failing or failed states, energy insufficiency,
diseases, migration, water security, cyber-crimes, poverty, infectious
diseases, environmental dangers, and organized crime, among others; they
have all impinged one way or another on our national security. The feeling
of insecurity is pervasive, with 40% of the world’s population living below
the poverty level of $2 a day. </p>
<p>
Today food security as well as speculation and conflicting biddings by
major financial institutions and funds, as announced by the Saudis one
morning during the workshop, impinge adversely on global markets, pushing
societies and economies to the edge and causing domestic disturbances,
turmoil, and ruptures. So the question is, What might happen if a strong
nexus develops between soaring food prices, energy shortages, and a global
water crisis? Could this become the recipe for a new war on a global scale?
How will this triad affect regional and international peace and security? </p>
<h2>OPERATING WITH SIMILAR POLICIES AND APPROACHES</h2>
<p>
NATO’s comprehensive approach may not be synonymous with other regional
or even national endeavors’ approaches. Misperceptions still remain and
the historical legacy has not been forgotten. NATO speaks of transformation
without telling us whether transformation will be carried out across the
board or will remain applicable only to certain regions or against a selective
list of sources of threat. Perhaps this is the reason for the shift in
NAM movement in New York recently. </p>
<p>
If we agree that there is no military solution to the conflict in Afghanistan,
we must still agree on what constitutes the rule of law, education, training,
and so on. Which is more applicable, western-style democracy or rural tribal
ethics as well as Islamic values that have been in existence for centuries?
On what should we base civil reconstruction? How can we avoid sectarianism?
Uprooting or uplifting national values should not be the mission of NATO.
In the meantime we cannot be selective or apply double standards. Take
the case of drugs and opium in Afghanistan. If the nexus between crime,
terrorism, small arms and light weapons, and drugs has existed for a long
time, why is it today, after the coalition forces have been present for
a long time, that we still argue that these social problems relate to common
trade and social values and allow opium growing to worsen. International
expectations were high regarding what coalition forces would bring in order
to end this vicious circle. </p>
<p>
What this compels us to deal with is the fact that in many parts of the
world and because of historical reasons and former conflicting and competing
alliance policies, NATO still suffers from an image complex. We are reminded
occasionally of that argument when collateral damage is caused by air raids
in Afghanistan. However, a lot has been done in this regard, mainly through
NATO’s public diplomacy programs. Beyond those, however, there must be
additional operational/cooperation programs tailored to basic-needs projects
that are destined to spill over into civilian benefits. This will demonstrate
to the people around the world what NATO can do to improve their daily
lives. </p>
<h2>EGYPT’S EFFORTS TO ADDRESS THE DANGERS </h2>
<p>
We, in Egypt, proposed one such project to NATO to detect the 17.5 million
land mines that still infest our rich western desert and have been in place
since the great battle of Alamein in the Second World War, a battle Egypt
had nothing to do with except to suffer the consequences of having those
deadly mines and unexploded ordinances placed there because of the artillery
exchange between German and Allied forces. </p>
<p>
On the global quest to address the dangers from WMDs, we have been successful
in laying down the foundations of a solid regime that incorporates and
solicits support and cooperation from a variety of states. We all know
the danger from failed states, non-state actors, terrorist groups, and
so on. The measures we have been taking have evolved into a regime that
has changed the modus operandi of military tracking in the Mediterranean
to unloading containers anywhere around the world. I am pleased to announce
that the port of Alexandria in Egypt has been declared a “white port” internationally,
meaning that the security, loading, and verification performed by Egyptians
there are not revised or repeated even in ports of entry in the United
States, a matter that underscores Egypt’s full cooperation with recent
international measures to combat illicit trade in and the prevention of
WMDs. </p>
<p>
We hear, see, and smell every move. But is all that enough? As we move
from general guidelines to specific measures we are moving to the microcosm
of what we should do. Recently we heard a comment on the need to include
forensic medicine. Are we ready to incur the financial costs of all such
measures and to transplant them worldwide while leaving the most important
question aside? We need to deny terrorists the benefit of the argument
they use most, especially in recruiting and conducting suicide operations—namely,
to solve the root cause of conflicts and to allow international legitimacy,
principles, and the provisions of the U.N. Charter to succeed. There must
be justice and the peaceful settlement of disputes. The proponents of this
view also believe in the positive correlation between the lack of a political
settlement in the Arab-Israeli conflict and the rise of terrorism, fundamentalism,
and the culture of animosity and hatred. </p>
<h2>THE NEED TO IMPROVE COOPERATION</h2>
<p>
We all agree on the need to improve cooperation between regional organizations
and the U.N. recently saw this happen in an important visit by the Assistant
Secretary of NATO to the Arab League headquarters in Cairo. This was the
first-ever contact of this nature at this high level. Additional cooperation
is underway between NATO and the U.N. in fields such as combating international
terrorism. </p>
<p>
We have seen how regional organizations offer not only support for coalition
missions but for the raison d’être and legitimacy of conducting such missions.
The Arab League in Cairo paved the way for a Security Council resolution
to liberate Kuwait and later on for operation Desert Shield and Desert
Storm. It was also the Arab League that adopted an Arab peace plan in Lebanon
that culminated in an important agreement, the election for a new president,
and the diffusing of a serious problem that would have pushed Lebanon to
the edge of yet another civil war. The role of Egypt in both cases was
imperative if not vital. Also, the African Union agreed with NATO to hold
a logistical and training mission in Darfur with no boots on the ground.
To argue therefore that increasing recourse to regional organizations must
not call into question the universal nature of the U.N. and its legitimacy,
as we heard from one speaker before my presentation today, is not without
problems, since arguments of this sort invite a restricted and limited
definition of assigning a role to the U.N. </p>
<h2>ADDRESSING REGIONAL INITIATIVES</h2>
<p>
Another challenge is how to address regional initiatives. To elucidate,
take, for instance, Article VII of the NPT, which underscores the right
of regions to enter into regional disarmament initiatives and arrangements.
The question is, “How will NATO, as it undergoes a transformation in policy,
face these challenges? Will NATO consider regional initiatives such as
Tlatelolco, a NWFZ in central Asia, and a NWFZ in Africa as impediments
to its operational mobility, freedom of movement, transit, and docking?
Or will it turn around and take advantage of regional initiatives that
underpin regional agreements and collective consensus to proceed and cooperate
with such regional arrangements?” </p>
<h2>THE DEFENSE INDUSTRY-GOVERNMENT RELATIONSHIP</h2>
<p>
My final comment is on the excellent panel we just attended on the defense
industry and its relationship with government. We heard excellent arguments
on how to change within a new Euro-Atlantic relationship; certain explanations
and recommendations on procurement, R&D, marketing, competition, and cutting-edge
technology; and, finally, on the need for a code of conduct. Can we envision
somewhere in this proposed code of conduct a commitment and agreement between
the defense community players and actors that designates a specific role
for what this community can do to reduce the impact of the present food
crisis or to provide humanitarian assistance in the wake of natural disasters
around the world, in the same way that NATO conducted operations in Pakistan
after the earthquake and in the tsunami-stricken countries? </p>
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