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<p align="center" class="style17">Table of Contents<br>
25th International Workshop - Rome '08</p>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/weissinger-preface.html">Preface- Dr. Roger<br>Weissinger-Baylon<br>Workshop Chairman<br></a>
<a href="/2008book/weissinger-overview.html">Workshop Chairman's Overview - Dr. Roger Weissinger-Baylon</a>
<a href="/2008book/joulwan.html">Opening Dinner Debate - <br>General George Joulwan<br>Former SACEUR</a>
<p>
<p align="center" class="style17">Part One<p>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/la-russa.html">Italian Defense Minister<br />
Ignazio La Russa
</a>
<a href="/2008book/browne.html">British Defense Minister<br />
The Rt Hon Des Browne
</a>
<a href="/2008book/gonul.html">Turkish Defense Minister<br />
Vecdi G�n�l
</a>
<a href="/2008book/di-paola.html">NATO Military Committee Chairman<br />
Admiral Giampaolo Di Paola
</a>
<a href="/2008book/zappata.html">Admiral Luciano Zappata<br />
Dep Supreme Allied
Commander Transformation
</a>
<a href="/2008book/camporini.html">Italian Chief of Defense<br />
General Vincenzo Camporini
</a>
<a href="/2008book/zappa.html">Alenia Aeronautica Chairman<br />
Dr. Giorgio Zappa
</a>
<br>Part Two<br>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/baramidze.html">Georgian Vice Prime Minister<br />
Giorgi Baramidze
</a>
<a href="/2008book/chizhov.html">Russian Amb to EU<br />
Vladimir Chizhov
</a>
<br>Part Three<br>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/eldon.html">British Amb to NATO<br />
Stewart Eldon
</a>
<a href="/2008book/akram.html">Pakistan's Amb to U.N.<br />
Munir Akram
</a>
<a href="/2008book/de-la-sabliere.html">French Amb to Italy<br />
Jean-Marc de la Sabli�re
</a>
<a href="/2008book/tkeshelashvili.html">Georgian Foreign Minister<br />
Eka Tkeshelashvili
</a>
<a href="/2008book/stefanini.html">Italian Amb to NATO<br />
Stefano Stefanini
</a>
<a href="/2008book/buzhinsky.html">Lt Gen Evgeniy Buzhinsky<br />
Russian Min of Defense
</a>
<a href="/2008book/winid.html">Polish Amb to NATO<br />
Boguslaw Winid
</a>
<br>Part Four<br>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/tegnelia.html">DTRA Director<br />
Dr. James Tegnelia
</a>
<a href="/2008book/rood.html">U.S. Under Sec of State<br />
John Rood
</a>
<a href="/2008book/joseph.html">Former Under Sec of State<br />
Amb Robert Joseph</a>
<a href="/2008book/berdennikov.html">Russian Amb-at-large<br />
Grigory V. Berdennikov
</a>
<a href="/2008book/benkert.html">U.S. Asst Sec of Defense<br />
Joseph Benkert
</a>
<a href="/2008book/flory.html">NATO Asst Sec Gen<br />
Peter Flory
</a>
<a href="/2008book/sedivy.html">NATO Asst Sec Gen<br />
Jiri Sedivy
</a>
<a href="/2008book/pfirter.html">OPCW Dir Gen<br />
Amb Rogelio Pfirter
</a>
<br>Part Five<br>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/lather.html">SHAPE Chief of Staff<br />
General Karl-Heinz Lather
</a>
<a href="/2008book/fitzgerald.html">Admiral Mark. P. Fitzgerald
<br />
Allied Joint Force Command Naples
</a>
<a href="/2008book/ildem.html">Turkish Amb to NATO<br />
Tacan Ildem
</a>
<a href="/2008book/schuwirth.html">Fmr SHAPE Chief of Staff<br />
General Rainer Schuwirth
</a>
<a href="/2008book/acosta.html">Global Impact CEO<br />
Ms. Renee Acosta
</a>
<a href="/2008book/soligan.html">Lt Gen James Soligan<br />
Allied Command-Transformation
</a>
<a href="/2008book/bagnall.html">Former UK Vice Chief of Defense Staff<br />
ACM Sir Anthony Bagnall
</a>
<br>Part Six
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/volkman.html">U.S. Dir of Internat. Coop.<br />
Alfred Volkman
</a>
<a href="/2008book/tozzi.html">Major General Claudio Tozzi<br />
Italian Defense Ministry
</a>
<a href="/2008book/homberg.html">EADS Senior Vice Pres<br />
Thomas Homberg
</a>
<a href="/2008book/shephard.html">Northrop Grumman VP<br />
Mr. Timothy Shephard
</a>
<a href="/2008book/buckley.html">Thales Senior VP<br />
Dr. Edgar Buckley
</a>
<a href="/2008book/harris.html">Lockheed Martin Global Pres.<br />
Dr. Scott A. Harris
</a>
<a href="/2008book/schneider.html">AFCEA CEO<br />
Kent Schneider
</a>
<a href="/2008book/patterson.html">Mr. David Patterson<br />
Univ of Tennessee
</a>
<p align="center" class="style17">Part Seven
<p align="center" class="style17" style="margin-bottom: 0;">
<a href="/2008book/grimes.html">U.S. Asst Sec of Def<br />
Hon. John G. Grimes
</a>
<a href="/2008book/lentz.html">U.S. Dep Asst Sec of Def<br />
Robert Lentz
</a>
<a href="/2008book/aaviksoo.html">Estonian Defense Minister<br />
Jaak Aaviksoo
</a>
<a href="/2008book/bloechl.html">Microsoft, Managing Dir.<br />
Tim Bloechl
</a>
<a href="/2008book/wolf.html">Lt Gen Ulrich Wolf<br />
NATO CIS Service Agency Dir
</a>
<a href="/2008book/monteforte.html">Italian Milrep to NATO<br />
Vice Adm Ferdinando Sanfelice di Monteforte
</a>
<a href="/2008book/lintonen.html">Finnish Amb to UN<br />
Kirsti Lintonen
</a>
<a href="/2008book/silvestri.html">Dr. Stefano Silvestri<br />
Istituto Affari Internazionali
</a>
<a href="/2008book/yousfi.html">Algerian Amb to UN<br />
Youcef Yousfi
</a>
<a href="/2008book/karem.html">Egyptian Amb to EU<br />
Mahmoud Karem
</a>
<a href="/2008book/tarasyuk.html">Former Ukrainian Foreign Minister<br />
Borys Tarasyuk
</a>
</div>
</div>
<div id="content">
<div class="story">
<h2 class="workshop_year">Rome '08 Workshop</h2>
<!-- InstanceBeginEditable name="Main Content" -->
<h1>
A Vision for the European Defense and Security Industrial Base: From Fragmentation
to Integration </h1>
<h2 style="margin-bottom: 0;">
Mr. Thomas Homberg</h2>
<h2 style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0;">Senior Vice President, EADS </h2>
<p align="center" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0;"><img src="images/homberg.jpg" alt="Mr. Thomas Homberg" width="154" height="206"></p>
<p style="margin-top: 0;">
My theses are these: First, because today’s threat scenarios are <I>global</I>,
purely <I>national</I> security approaches are definitely insufficient. Second,
because we have to internationalize and integrate security, we have to
do the same for policies and for the industrial setup. With these two theses
in mind, I will comment on the integration and further consolidation of
the industrial base in close coordination with politics and with defense
and security forces. </p>
<h2>THE FRAGMENTATION OF THE DEFENSE-SECURITY LANDSCAPE </h2>
<p>
All societies require an adapted security toolbox, i.e., defense and security
forces equipped with the latest available technology and the equipment
to match today’s threat complexity. To ensure this, we need a performing,
competitive, and sustainable industrial base. But how does this base look
today? Today’s defense and security industrial landscape is rather fragmented.
In particular, there is fragmentation: </p>
<UL>
<LI>
Of the industrial and technological capabilities within EU member-states
and in the transatlantic context </LI>
<LI>
Of product specifications answering diverse national requirements—this
nonalignment leads to redundant, complex, and very costly developments,
and the different national specifications also cause interoperability issues
when we send our troops in theater </LI>
<LI>
Of funding for research, development, and procurement </LI>
</UL>
<p>
And all of this fragmentation is directly caused by the huge number of
industrial players </p>
<p>
Let me give you just one figure to illustrate the lack of joint funding.
According to the figures of the European Defense Agency, more than 70%
of defense equipment procurement is nationally funded versus roughly 20%
that is spent collaboratively in the European framework and just a marginal
amount in the non-European framework. This phenomenon hurts particularly
in Europe (although not exclusively), because our budgets here are, at
least compared to U.S. funding, still rather low. </p>
<p>
Defense investment spending in Europe is lower than that in the U.S. by
a factor of ~2.5, and R&D expenditure in Europe is even lower, by a factor
of ~6. Too many national players in Europe lead to industrial inefficiencies,
and it is rather obvious that we do not spend cleverly enough when accepting
redundancies and overlaps, specifically in times of restrained resources.
Europe has the obligation to improve competitiveness in order to preserve
its capability to act as a credible and sustainable partner on an eye-to-eye
level with all our U.S. and global friends as we take on global threats.
If we believe in transatlantic cooperation we cannot afford asymmetry in
that relation. </p>
<h2>A VISION FOR THE EUROPEAN INDUSTRIAL BASE AND THE TRANSATLANTIC COMMUNITY </h2>
<p>
For these reasons, the vision for the European industrial base and also
for the transatlantic link should be comprised of at least the following
seven points: </p>
<p>
1. Consolidation of demand to best use our European industrial strength,
thereby contributing to a real transatlantic and global effort </p>
<p>
2. Harmonization of requirements to strongly support industrial rationalization;
it would also be desirable to define strategic interest, including the
industrial domain, on an international rather than a national level </p>
<p>
3. Establishment of common programs and real work sharing, based on centers
of excellence </p>
<p>
4. More focus on, more coordination of, and more money for research </p>
<p>
5. Common programs based on common standards to optimize the warfighter’s
efficiency; I think that organizations such as the European Defense Agency
and the Network Centric Operations Industry Consortium (NCOIC) in the U.S.
will be of good help in this area </p>
<p>
6. Good and open access to government defense and security planners and
their concepts in order to ensure fast and cost-efficient development cycles </p>
<p>
7. Access to lessons learned from exercises and operations to step wise,
push forward, and optimize industrial solutions in a spiral development. </p>
<h2>CONCLUDING REMARKS </h2>
<p>
I would like to conclude with three points: </p>
<p>
1. We have to overcome the trend towards national industrial protectionism.
If all parties insist on protecting the national champions first, the result
will be reduced competitiveness, limited innovation capability, and, ultimately,
the risk of erosion. </p>
<p>
2. Industry is being asked to support global security in various matters
and it is obvious that mastering these challenges is not feasible alone
on purely national grounds. </p>
<p>
3. It requires a dedicated industrial policy to ensure European industrial
competitiveness and thereby strengthen the transatlantic link. This policy
should target long-term sustainability and the capability to act as a partner
on an eye-to eye level for the best possible European contribution to protecting
against common global threats. </p>
<p>
The good news here is that the majority of the points I mentioned are well
known. The bad news, however, is that we do not push sufficiently to make
faster progress on the above requirements. </p>
<p>
Let me make a personal concluding comment. For nearly 20 years I served
in the German armed forces in paratroop and airborne units and having experienced
industry as well being the Head of Strategy of my group, I know a little
bit of “both worlds.” I believe in the following principle: We are obliged
to deliver the best available equipment to our forces in theater and in
operations, since they take care of our security, putting their lives at
risk. This incentive shall be the strongest of all, leading us to faster
results. It is an obligation which must not become a victim of any industrial
or political power game. </p>
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