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<p align="center" class="style17">Table of Contents<br>
25th International Workshop - Rome '08</p>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/weissinger-preface.html">Preface- Dr. Roger<br>Weissinger-Baylon<br>Workshop Chairman<br></a>
<a href="/2008book/weissinger-overview.html">Workshop Chairman's Overview - Dr. Roger Weissinger-Baylon</a>
<a href="/2008book/joulwan.html">Opening Dinner Debate - <br>General George Joulwan<br>Former SACEUR</a>
<p>
<p align="center" class="style17">Part One<p>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/la-russa.html">Italian Defense Minister<br />
Ignazio La Russa
</a>
<a href="/2008book/browne.html">British Defense Minister<br />
The Rt Hon Des Browne
</a>
<a href="/2008book/gonul.html">Turkish Defense Minister<br />
Vecdi G�n�l
</a>
<a href="/2008book/di-paola.html">NATO Military Committee Chairman<br />
Admiral Giampaolo Di Paola
</a>
<a href="/2008book/zappata.html">Admiral Luciano Zappata<br />
Dep Supreme Allied
Commander Transformation
</a>
<a href="/2008book/camporini.html">Italian Chief of Defense<br />
General Vincenzo Camporini
</a>
<a href="/2008book/zappa.html">Alenia Aeronautica Chairman<br />
Dr. Giorgio Zappa
</a>
<br>Part Two<br>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/baramidze.html">Georgian Vice Prime Minister<br />
Giorgi Baramidze
</a>
<a href="/2008book/chizhov.html">Russian Amb to EU<br />
Vladimir Chizhov
</a>
<br>Part Three<br>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/eldon.html">British Amb to NATO<br />
Stewart Eldon
</a>
<a href="/2008book/akram.html">Pakistan's Amb to U.N.<br />
Munir Akram
</a>
<a href="/2008book/de-la-sabliere.html">French Amb to Italy<br />
Jean-Marc de la Sabli�re
</a>
<a href="/2008book/tkeshelashvili.html">Georgian Foreign Minister<br />
Eka Tkeshelashvili
</a>
<a href="/2008book/stefanini.html">Italian Amb to NATO<br />
Stefano Stefanini
</a>
<a href="/2008book/buzhinsky.html">Lt Gen Evgeniy Buzhinsky<br />
Russian Min of Defense
</a>
<a href="/2008book/winid.html">Polish Amb to NATO<br />
Boguslaw Winid
</a>
<br>Part Four<br>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/tegnelia.html">DTRA Director<br />
Dr. James Tegnelia
</a>
<a href="/2008book/rood.html">U.S. Under Sec of State<br />
John Rood
</a>
<a href="/2008book/joseph.html">Former Under Sec of State<br />
Amb Robert Joseph</a>
<a href="/2008book/berdennikov.html">Russian Amb-at-large<br />
Grigory V. Berdennikov
</a>
<a href="/2008book/benkert.html">U.S. Asst Sec of Defense<br />
Joseph Benkert
</a>
<a href="/2008book/flory.html">NATO Asst Sec Gen<br />
Peter Flory
</a>
<a href="/2008book/sedivy.html">NATO Asst Sec Gen<br />
Jiri Sedivy
</a>
<a href="/2008book/pfirter.html">OPCW Dir Gen<br />
Amb Rogelio Pfirter
</a>
<br>Part Five<br>
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/lather.html">SHAPE Chief of Staff<br />
General Karl-Heinz Lather
</a>
<a href="/2008book/fitzgerald.html">Admiral Mark. P. Fitzgerald
<br />
Allied Joint Force Command Naples
</a>
<a href="/2008book/ildem.html">Turkish Amb to NATO<br />
Tacan Ildem
</a>
<a href="/2008book/schuwirth.html">Fmr SHAPE Chief of Staff<br />
General Rainer Schuwirth
</a>
<a href="/2008book/acosta.html">Global Impact CEO<br />
Ms. Renee Acosta
</a>
<a href="/2008book/soligan.html">Lt Gen James Soligan<br />
Allied Command-Transformation
</a>
<a href="/2008book/bagnall.html">Former UK Vice Chief of Defense Staff<br />
ACM Sir Anthony Bagnall
</a>
<br>Part Six
<p align="center" class="style17">
<a href="/2008book/volkman.html">U.S. Dir of Internat. Coop.<br />
Alfred Volkman
</a>
<a href="/2008book/tozzi.html">Major General Claudio Tozzi<br />
Italian Defense Ministry
</a>
<a href="/2008book/homberg.html">EADS Senior Vice Pres<br />
Thomas Homberg
</a>
<a href="/2008book/shephard.html">Northrop Grumman VP<br />
Mr. Timothy Shephard
</a>
<a href="/2008book/buckley.html">Thales Senior VP<br />
Dr. Edgar Buckley
</a>
<a href="/2008book/harris.html">Lockheed Martin Global Pres.<br />
Dr. Scott A. Harris
</a>
<a href="/2008book/schneider.html">AFCEA CEO<br />
Kent Schneider
</a>
<a href="/2008book/patterson.html">Mr. David Patterson<br />
Univ of Tennessee
</a>
<p align="center" class="style17">Part Seven
<p align="center" class="style17" style="margin-bottom: 0;">
<a href="/2008book/grimes.html">U.S. Asst Sec of Def<br />
Hon. John G. Grimes
</a>
<a href="/2008book/lentz.html">U.S. Dep Asst Sec of Def<br />
Robert Lentz
</a>
<a href="/2008book/aaviksoo.html">Estonian Defense Minister<br />
Jaak Aaviksoo
</a>
<a href="/2008book/bloechl.html">Microsoft, Managing Dir.<br />
Tim Bloechl
</a>
<a href="/2008book/wolf.html">Lt Gen Ulrich Wolf<br />
NATO CIS Service Agency Dir
</a>
<a href="/2008book/monteforte.html">Italian Milrep to NATO<br />
Vice Adm Ferdinando Sanfelice di Monteforte
</a>
<a href="/2008book/lintonen.html">Finnish Amb to UN<br />
Kirsti Lintonen
</a>
<a href="/2008book/silvestri.html">Dr. Stefano Silvestri<br />
Istituto Affari Internazionali
</a>
<a href="/2008book/yousfi.html">Algerian Amb to UN<br />
Youcef Yousfi
</a>
<a href="/2008book/karem.html">Egyptian Amb to EU<br />
Mahmoud Karem
</a>
<a href="/2008book/tarasyuk.html">Former Ukrainian Foreign Minister<br />
Borys Tarasyuk
</a>
</div>
</div>
<div id="content">
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<h2 class="workshop_year">Rome '08 Workshop</h2>
<!-- InstanceBeginEditable name="Main Content" -->
<h1>
The Fragmentation of Security and the Need for
A New, Legally Binding Security
Treaty </h1>
<h2 style="margin-bottom: 0;">
Ambassador Vladimir Chizhov</h2>
<h2 style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0;">Russian Ambassador to the European Union </h2>
<p align="center" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0;"><img src="images/chizhov.jpg" alt="Ambassador Vladimir Chizhov" width="114" height="139"></p>
<p style="margin-top: 0;">
The topic of this panel contains, if carefully read, an element of paradox.
It addresses political perspectives on global security while focusing on
a specific region—from the Baltic to the Black Sea. Representing the only
country that stretches from the Baltic to the Black Sea and far beyond,
I would like to make a point that we have been discussing on numerous occasions,
including at last year’s workshop, whether geography matters when we speak
of security. Indeed, we are living in a globalizing world, in a virtually
global economy. Most of the challenges that we face today are of a global
nature, starting from the recognized process of redistribution of wealth
and economic activity from the so-called old world to Asia and other continents;
the shift of financial power—the two most important currencies in the world
are still the U.S. dollar and the Euro, but most of the dollars and the
euros are accumulated neither in the U.S. nor in the European Union; climate
change—it can only be perceived and handled as a global problem; migration;
and of course terrorism. </p>
<h2>THE SECURITY SPACE FRAGMENTATION </h2>
<p>
So what we see is an obvious discrepancy. Living in a globalized world,
we still address security issues, particularly those of hard security,
or military security, from an outdated baseline perspective of viewing
security in geographic terms. As a result, we witness attempts to address
new security challenges with tools of the mid-20<SUP>th </SUP>century. Moreover, what
we see today is the fragmentation of the security space in the Euro-Atlantic
area. Today, there is an acute deficit of strategic formats. Yes, one might
pose the counter-argument that we all belong to the OSCE, and I would agree
that the OSCE could have become an appropriate format to address security
challenges in this broad European sense which also includes North America
on the one side and Central Asia on the other. Unfortunately, the OSCE
has failed in this historic mission. Nine years ago, I was present at the
famous Istanbul Summit of the OSCE which most people now remember from
tiny bits and pieces like bilateral arrangements concluded on the sidelines
of the summit. Much less often, the main product of the summit is remembered:
the Charter of European Security. One can only wonder why. My answer is
that, unfortunately, some OSCE participating states in the West chose not
to allow the OSCE to evolve in a really comprehensive security format. </p>
<p>
Instead, what we see today is a continuing tendency to shift responsibility
for pan-European Euro-Atlantic security to closed alliances dominated by
military bloc mentalities. It may seem strange to an outsider that, with
the Cold War now long over, some of its instruments are still in place.
Moreover, they are presented and described as the cornerstone of security
for the 21<SUP>st</SUP> century. We often hear that NATO enlargement has expanded
the area of stability in Europe. Let me quote some figures coming from
a well-respected source: the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.
During the last ten years, military expenditure in new NATO member states
has increased by 162%. Compare that with only 62% in the Middle East with
all its problems and 4% in Western Europe. If this is considered an indication
of increased stability, then I believe something is wrong in that logic. </p>
<p>
I will stress that NATO enlargement not only does not contribute to stability
but on the contrary leads to destabilization. I believe that one might
only mention a single country, Ukraine, to see how divisive the prospect
of NATO integration is in Ukrainian society. </p>
<p>
Another element that also illustrates the continuing fragmentation of the
security space is the third ballistic missile positioning area—famous or
infamous depending on your point of view—in Poland and the Czech Republic.
I would describe this as an attempt to deploy an untested system of questionable
reliability against a non-existent threat. Moreover, it is no credit to
the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union that this
is being done by two EU member states venturing a deal with a third country
that is not a member of the EU behind the back of their EU partners. </p>
<h2>TOWARD A NEW LEGALLY-BINDING SECURITY TREATY FOR THE WHOLE EUROPEAN SPACE? </h2>
<p>
CFE was mentioned here and I expect it to be mentioned again. We have been
hearing some emotional assessments regarding the fate of the CFE, a lot
of pretty words describing it as a cornerstone of European security. Yet,
it was followed up by ratification in only four CFE participating states,
one of them being Russia. NATO member states—unfortunately under false
pretenses—have chosen to procrastinate on the issue. But it is not only
the CFE. The OSCE has produced a lot of additional elements to arms control
and security. What about the principles of military self-restraint? What
about confidence-building measures? What about transparency? I believe
we need to take a broader look at European security in an area described
as stretching from Vancouver to Vladivostok, while avoiding the creation
of different levels of security, respecting the right of some countries
to neutrality, and providing additional guarantees that principles of international
law are respected. We should prevent further dilution of legal limitations
on the use of force. We should ensure territorial integrity and inviolability
of borders. Instead of recreating a new iron curtain from the Baltic to
the Black Sea, let’s consider something totally different: A new legally-binding
security treaty covering the whole European space. As President Medvedev
stressed in his recent speech in Berlin, this proposal that was put forward
by the Russian Federation is a reflection of its concern over a deepening
legal vacuum in the area of European security. I invite representatives
of countries that are gathered here around this table to give this proposal
a serious consideration. We believe that only an open and frank discussion
of each other’s concerns may lead us to resolve all the issues that are
arising in the Euro-Atlantic security space. Russia does not have any hidden
agenda. We are prepared for such an open and frank discussion. We believe
that it is the only way to move forward the project of a greater Europe. </p>
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