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<title>CSDR 24th International Workshop on Global Security, Michele Alliot-Marie, Herve Morin, General Henri Bentegeat, General Jean-Louis Georgelin, General James L. Jones, Marc Perrin de Brichambaut, Patrick Auroy, Kent Schneider, Ambassador Mahmoud Karem, Admiral Giampaolo Di Paola, General Franciszek Gagor, Dr. Arthur T. Hopkins, George Joulwan, Borys Tarasyuk, Jean de Ponton d'Amécourt, General Rainer Schuwirth, General Egon Ramms, Gen Ulrich Wolf, Louis Gallois, Marwan Lahoud, Denis Ranque, Edgar Buckley, Assistant Secretary John Grimes, Tim Bloechl, EADS, Northrop Grumman, Microsoft, Robert Ranquet, Admiral Jean Betermier, Giovanni Bertolone, Robert Ranquet, Alenia Aeronautica, Roger Weissinger-Baylon, WMD, Weaapons of Mass Destruction, NATO, EU, UN, OSCE, Paris Air Show, French Defense Minister, Afghanistan, Iraq, Kosovo, Climate Change, Energy, Boeing</title>
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<p><span class="style293">international workshop series<br>
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<p align="center" class="style17"><strong>Table of Contents<br>
24th International Workshop - </strong><strong>Paris '07</strong></p>
<p align="center" class="style17"><span class="style18"><span class="style219"> </span>
<span class="style219"><a href="/2007book/weissinger07.htm">Preface- Dr. Roger<br>
Weissinger-Baylon<br>
Workshop Chairman<br>
</a></span><span class="style219"><a href="/2007book/ranquet07.htm">Foreword - Ing General<br>
Robert Ranquet<br>
</a></span>
<span class="style219"><a href="/2007book/joulwan07.htm">Opening Dinner Debate - <br>
General George Joulwan<br>
Former SACEUR<br>
</a></span></span><br>
Global security challenges: <br>
Is there hope for <br>
Afghanistan or Iraq?<br>
</p>
<p align="center" class="style17"><a href="/2007book/bentegeat07.htm">General Henri Bentegeat<br>
President of EU Military Committee</a>
<a href="/2007book/georgelin07">Gen Jean-Louis Georgelin C<strong>hef d’état</strong>-<strong>major</strong> des armées - France</a><a href="/2007book/amecourt07.htm">Mr. Jean de Ponton d'Amecourt - French Dir of Strategic Affairs</a><a href="/2007book/schuwirth07.htm">General Rainer Schuwirth <br>
Chief of Staff, SHAPE</a><a href="/2007book/ramms07.htm">General Egon Ramms <br>
Commander, Allied Joint Force Cmd, Brunssum</a>
<a href="/2007book/akram07.htm">
Amb Munir Akram<br>
Pakistan's Amb to UN</a><a href="/2007book/zhan07.htm">
Major Gen ZHAN Maohai<br>
Vice Chair of China IISS</a><br>
Energy & Climate Change<br>
<p align="center" class="style17"><a href="/2007book/jones07.htm">General James Jones<br>
Former Supreme Allied Commander Europe</a><a href="/2007book/ashton07.htm">Mr. John Ashton<br>
UK Special Repr for Climate Change</a><br>
Security in the Balkans & Black Sea region<br>
<p align="center" class="style17"><a href="/2007book/baramidze07.htm">Georgian Vice Prime Minister Giorgi Baramidze</a>
<a href="/2007book/tarasyuk07.htm">Ukrainian Foreign Minister Borys Tarasyuk</a>
<a href="/2007book/mediu07.htm">Albanian Defense Minister Fatmir Mediu</a><a href="/2007book/bliznakov07.htm">Bulgarian Defense Minister Veselin Bliznakov</a><a href="/2007book/bezhuashvili07.htm">Georgian Foreign Min Gela Bezhuashvili</a><a href="/2007book/ildem07.htm">Ambassador <strong> Tacan Ildem</strong><br>
Turkish Amb to NATO</a><a href="/2007book/buzhinsky07.htm">
Lt Gen Evgeniy Buzhinsky<br>
Russian Ministry of Defense</a><br>
Time for new strategies?<br>
NATO after the Riga Summit<br>
<p align="center" class="style17"><a href="/2007book/eldon07.htm">Amb Stewart Eldon<br>
UK Ambassador to NATO</a>
<a href="/2007book/orgaz07.htm">Amb Pablo Benavides Orgaz<br>
Spanish Amb to NATO</a>
<a href="/2007book/stefanini07.htm">Amb Stefano Stefanini <br>
Italian Amb to NATO</a><a href="/2007book/dipaola07.htm">Adm Giampaolo Di Paola<br>
Italian Chief of Defense<br>
</a><a href="/2007book/gagor07.htm">Gen Franciszek Gagor Polish Chief of Defense</a><br>
How can the EU, NATO, the OSCE, and UN reform?<br>
<p align="center" class="style17"><a href="/2007book/brichambaut07.htm">Amb Marc Perrin de Brichambaut<br>
OSCE Secretary General </a><a href="/2007book/lintonen07.htm">Amb Kirsti Lintonen Finnish Amb to UN</a>
<a href="/2007book/brodi07.htm">Amb Gabor Brodi<br>
Hungarian Amb to UN</a><a href="/2007book/rinkevics07.htm">State Sec Edgars Rinkevics - Latvian MOD</a><a href="/2007book/linkevicius07.htm">Amb Linas Linkevicius<br>
Lithuanian Amb to NATO<br>
</a>
<a href="/2007book/chizhov07.htm">Amb Vladimir Chizhov<br>
Russian Amb to the EU<br>
</a><a href="/2007book/monteforte07.htm">Vice Adm Ferdinando Sanfelice di Monteforte<br>
Italian Mil Repr to NATO</a><br>
Dealing with middle east:<br>Views from North Africa
<p align="center" class="style17"><a href="/2007book/yousfi07.htm">Amb Youcef Yousfi<br>
Algerian Amb to UN and former Foreign Minister</a><a href="/2007book/karem07.htm">Amb Mahmoud Karem<br>
Egyptian Amb to EU and Repr to Med Dialogue</a><a href="/2007book/alem07.htm">Amb Menouar Alem<br>
Moroccan Amb to EU and Repr to Med Dialogue<br>
</a>
<p align="center" class="style17">WMD and cyber threats
<p align="center" class="style17"><a href="/2007book/pfirter07.htm">Amb Rogelio Pfirter<br>
Director-General, OPCW</a>
<a href="/2007book/hopkins07.htm">Dr. Arthur T. Hopkins<br>
Assist to U.S. Sec of Defense - Nuclear & Chemical & Biological</a><a href="/2007book/aaviksoo07.htm">Estonian Defense Minister<br>
Jaak Aaviksoo</a><a href="/2007book/grimes07.htm">Hon John Grimes<br>
US Assistant Secretary of Defense - NII<br>
</a><a href="/2007book/lentz07.htm">Mr. Robert Lentz<br>
US Dep Asst Sec for NII<br>
</a><a href="/2007book/wolf07.htm">Lt General Ulrich Wolf<br>
Dir of NATO CIS Service Agency<br>
</a>
<a href="/2007book/bloechl07.htm">Mr. Tim Bloechl<br>
Microsoft Exec Director</a>
<p align="center" class="style17">How industry can help address the global challenges<p align="center" class="style17"><a href="/2007book/lahoud07.htm">Mr. Marwan Lahoud<br>
Chief Operating Office EADS</a><a href="/2007book/schneider07.htm">Mr. Kent Schneider<br>
President, Defense Group<br>
Northrop Grumman IT<br>
</a><a href="/2007book/auroy07.htm">Mr. Patrick Auroy<br>
Deputy Director,<br>
French DGA
<br>
</a><a href="/2007book/volkman07.htm">Mr. Alfred Volkman<br>
Dir, Defense Cooperation<br>
US Dept of Defense<br>
</a>
<a href="/2007book/linnenkamp07.htm">Dr. Hilmar Linnenkamp<br>
Dep CEO, EDA</a>
<a href="/2007book/lind07.htm">Mr. Jan-Olof Lind<br>
Swedish National Armaments Director</a>
<a href="/2007book/buckley07.htm">Dr. Edgar Buckley<br>
Thales Senior Vice President</a>
<a href="/2007book/trice07">Dr. Robert Trice<br>
Lockheed Martin <br>
Senior Vice President<br>
</a><a href="/2007book/bertolone07.htm">Ing. Giovanni Bertolone<br>
CEO, Alenia Aeronautica</a>
<p align="center" class="style17">The way ahead & why current approaches don't work
<p align="center" class="style17"><a href="/2007book/martinusz07.htm">Amb Zoltan Martinusz<br>
Hungarian Amb to NATO<br>
</a><a href="/2007book/ducaru07.htm">Amb Dumitru Sorin Ducaru<br>
Romanian Amb to NATO</a><a href="/2007book/kujat07.htm"> General Harald Kujat<br>
Former Chair of NATO Military Committee</a>
</div>
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<tr>
<td bgcolor="#006699" height="18" colspan="5"><div align="center" class="style285" style="font-weight: bold; color: #FFFFFF">Paris '07 Workshop</div></td>
</tr>
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<p class=style26 align=center style='text-align:center'>Key Address to the 24<sup>th</sup>
International Workshop on Global Security, 14-17 June 07</p>
<div align="center"></div>
<div align="center">
<table width="719" border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0">
<tr>
<td width="373"><p><strong><img src="2007images/DSC_0723 Lt General Christian-Charles Falzone DAY II.JPG" alt="Lt Gen Christian-Charles Falzone" width="365" height="211" border="0" align="left"></strong></p></td>
<td width="6"> </td>
<td width="339"><div align="center"><span class="style26" style="text-align:center">Address of General Jean-Louis Georgelin<br>
Chief of General Staff of French Armed Forces</span></div>
<p align="center"><span class="style26">presented by<br>
Lt. General Christian-Charles Falzone<br>
French Ministry of Defense</span></p></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td height="36" colspan="2"><div align="left">Lieutenant General Christian-Charles Falzone presents the key <br>
address on behalf of General Jean-Louis Georgelin, French <br>
Chief of General Staff.</div></td>
<td><div align="center"></div>
<div align="center"></div></td>
<td width="1"><div align="center" class="style27">
<div>
<p class="style26"><br>
</p>
</div>
</div></td>
</tr>
</table>
</div>
<p align="center" class="style26"><em>"...the crisis is almost always a crisis of the state...the local political organization...is either incapable of keeping its own population at peace or unable to enjoy harmonious relations at the regional international level. <br>
These crises trigger phenomena that go way beyond existing borders."</em></p>
<p class="style26" style='text-align:center'>Key Address Presented
by General Christian-Charles Falzone</p>
<p style='text-indent:.5in'>The theme for the 24th International Workshop on Global Security is central to the challenges we are
facing today.� After the very important contributions that have been made so far, I would like to address global security from the military point of view,
which is mine.� </p>
<p style='text-indent:.5in'>The question as to which threats most urgently affect world security arises quite naturally in the context of my
activities.� In order to better answer it, we are developing military capabilities able to deal with the multiple and diverse crises occurring
throughout the globe, even when we cannot anticipate their nature in advance.� It is also natural for me to reflect on the specific situation in Afghanistan, the Middle East and Africa since our forces are presently engaged in Afghanistan, the Indian Ocean, Lebanon, and several African countries.� Indeed, we must never forget
that even the most elaborate strategies must find their application in a specific location and in a specific context.</p>
<p style='text-indent:.5in'>This conjunction of the general nature of our strategies and the specific aspect of each action is a constant
source of difficulties:� the best thought-out strategies are sometimes unable to resolve local crises�crises which in turn may have a large impact on an
entire region of the world.� There are well-known examples of this.� </p>
<p style='text-indent:.5in'>In order to resolve this challenge, I believe that we must reflect on the profound significance of military action
and, consequently, on the role of our armies.� First, we must examine the threats we are facing, then the way we deal with them, and finally infer
practical consequences for the tools at our disposal.</p>
<p style='text-align:center'>***</p>
<p style='text-indent:.25in'>When we study the crises we are
involved in and think of as causes for concern today, in Africa, in the Middle
East and in Afghanistan in particular, we notice that they share two main
characteristics:� </p>
<p><span style='font-family:Symbol'>�<span style='font:7.0pt "Times New Roman"'>
</span></span>First, the crisis is almost always a crisis of the state, a crisis
of the local political organization which is either incapable of keeping its
own population at peace or unable to enjoy harmonious relations at the regional
international level.� These two failures are often linked.� Strategy analysts
have even come up with a theory of the notion of Failed State.� </p>
<p style='margin-left:.5in;text-indent:-.5in'><span
style='font-family:Symbol'>�<span style='font:7.0pt "Times New Roman"'>
</span></span>Second, these crises trigger phenomena that go way beyond
existing borders:</p>
<p style='text-indent:.25in'>I have in mind massacres and
sometimes genocides that engender almost inextinguishable hatred.� </p>
<p style='text-indent:.25in'>I have in mind population
movements which, when exploited by unscrupulous smugglers, in particular in Africa, end up generating resentment and frustrations in the destination countries. </p>
<p style='text-indent:.25in'>I have in mind the effect of
crises on production and energetic procurement.� The sensitivity of this question,
including its impact on the financial markets, is well-known.� The Middle East is of course at the heart of this question.� </p>
<p style='text-indent:.25in'>I have in mind the problems crises
create on the water supply which, in turn, generates new crises in a whole
region. </p>
<p style='text-indent:.25in'>I have in mind the ecological
disasters to which we are undoubtedly more susceptible to today than we were
yesterday.� </p>
<p style='text-indent:.25in'>I have in mind organized crime and
specifically illicit drug trade which is a real threat to a region�s
equilibrium, with corruption, money laundering and the discredit of State
organizations as its corollaries.� We are directly affected by it.� </p>
<p style='text-indent:.25in'>I have in mind terrorism which
finds a fertile soil and financing in destabilized zones and then casts its
shadow on our societies.� The case of Afghanistan is in all our thoughts.� </p>
<p style='text-indent:.25in'>I have in mind the dissemination
of conventional weapons, including the most sophisticated ones, through various
kinds of smuggling. This makes the military challenges confronting our armed
forces even more difficult to deal with.� </p>
<p style='text-indent:.25in'>I have in mind the proliferation
of weapons of mass destruction, which puts at risk an ever larger number of
regions through the spread of long-range missiles.</p>
<p style='text-indent:.25in'>These examples are well-known.�
They show how interdependent our societies are; they also show how much we need
to be connected to each other.</p>
<p align=center style='text-align:center'>***</p>
<p style='text-indent:.5in'>Yet we should not derive erroneous
conclusions from the analysis I have just made.� Although we live in an
interdependent world, the disquieting phenomena I have mentioned, which are
triggered by state failures, arise from situations that are all different and
specific.</p>
<p style='text-indent:.5in'>Here state instability is caused by
history and derived from ill-defined borders, ethnic rivalries, or ancestral
hatred.</p>
<p style='text-indent:.5in'>There, secessions or uprisings
against the legal authority result from identity phenomena or religious
fanaticism.</p>
<p style='text-indent:.5in'>There, fragilities and
dismemberments are due to powers along borders with regional appetites.</p>
<p style='text-indent:.5in'>There again, they derive from a
national or ethnic community�s feelings toward solutions that have been imposed
from the outside.� These feelings can even be stronger when there is an added
perception of a double standard by the international community in treating the
crises.</p>
<p style='text-indent:.5in'>There finally, they arise from a
marginal state�s feeling of insecurity, prompting this state to arm itself
beyond its legitimate needs and to cut links with the international community.</p>
<p style='text-indent:.5in'>Thus a variety of reasons causes
states to fail and, consequently, to generate the global and trans-border
phenomena that feed the threats.� These various reasons deserve our careful
analysis; they also deserve to be thoroughly understood.� In fact, nothing
would be more dangerous than to aggregate all the causes of crises into a
unique threat that would be promoted to public enemy rank under the pretexts
that our societies are interdependent and that crises reach out very far,
sometimes even on our own territories.�� Very quickly, we might run the risk of
creating this unique threat by uniting against us adversaries that have no
particular reason to do so.</p>
<p >We know that the actual situation is quite different:</p>
<p >Among those men and women who contribute to the phenomenon
of desegregation of states, you can occasionally find terrorists intent on
using indefensible means; you can often find men who rebel out of despair or
arm themselves to defend a cause they believe in.� There are also men and women
whose motivations and objectives follow their own logic.� We should always try
to understand those who take the risk of resorting to arms.� This is my deep
conviction, which is borne out of my daily experience in the conduct of
operations. It is the conclusion I have reached based on my personal
observations on the theaters.� It is the feeling I am getting after reading the
reports from my staff when they are back from a mission. </p>
<p align=center style='text-align:center'>***</p>
<p style='text-indent:.5in'>It is in effect what prompts me to
say that, in order to confront these crises, we must rediscover the meaning of
military action.</p>
<p style='text-indent:.5in'>An army only acts and should only
act based on a specific situation and after careful review of the limits of its
engagement.� A military action should always be viewed in its political
context; its goal is always to submit the will of the adversary who has chosen
to fight.� In order to reach that goal and influence the adversary�s will, it
may be necessary to resort to armed confrontations or to seek the destruction
of some of the adversary�s forces.� Sometimes, the simple threat of destruction
may be enough.� In any case, our forces must show great determination if they
are to work effectively on the adversary.� This means taking risks and acting
with great cohesion within the multinational coalitions which are the most
common framework for today�s interventions.� Once the engagement decision has
been made, French forces will be full co-partners of their allies, as it is the
case in Afghanistan. </p>
<p style='text-indent:.5in'>In our use of armed forces,
however, we must guard against several pitfalls:</p>
<p><span style='font-family:Symbol'>�<span style='font:7.0pt "Times New Roman"'>
</span></span>First, an adversary�s destruction can never be a goal in itself.
Let�s not take the means for the end.� The use of force always necessarily
takes on a political meaning.� What matters in current crises is �the day
after.�� We all know that one day, even though there may still be ambiguities,
a �peace of the brave� will have to be signed.� Therefore, the political
negotiation that we will conclude with the adversary�s forces is what gives
meaning to our action.� This requires that we keep a partner for negotiation;
that we understand all the intricacies and particularities of a crisis.� And in
these crises, political negotiation takes place at all levels, both central and
close to the theater of operations.</p>
<p style='text-indent:.25in'>This brings me to the problems
that occur when �non-political� security actors are involved.� Although we can
justify employing subcontractors in the area of logistics for example, which is
a rationalization of our expenditures, subcontracting with private partners for
functions that may involve the use of force raises delicate questions as to
their legality and to our goals.� Indeed in this case, the necessary link
between political solutions and military means is broken.� </p>
<p><span style='font-family:Symbol'>�<span style='font:7.0pt "Times New Roman"'>
</span></span>Also, we must draw attention to a second pitfall:� military
forces only have a limited role in these crises which, as I just mentioned, are
often crises of state.� They are powerless to resolve by themselves problems
that are essentially political in nature.� Other national or international
political forces must participate in their resolution.� It is always important
that local actors be able to make the difference between what concerns combat�s
military logic and what concerns other types of logic.</p>
<p style='text-indent:.25in'>For this reason in particular, France, which advocates a global approach to the resolution of crises, believes that a
purely military organization like NATO or an ad hoc coalition, cannot
single-handedly assume the global responsibility of the interagency and
pluridisciplinary approach that the action of the international community must
assume.� If we fail to take into account this aspect of the question, the
military operations we are starting may turn out to add complexity to a given
problem rather than help with its resolution.</p>
<p style='text-indent:.25in'>Finally, and it is the third pitfall, we should stay away from
the thought that armed intervention is the only way to deal with threats.�
Prevention is a major requirement. In this respect, armed forces have a dynamic
role to play.</p>
<p style='text-indent:.25in'>The use of force is not always
necessary, even when there is a definite threat. Beyond cultural and national
differences, it seems that the military from different nations may understand
each other more easily than other groups.� They are often trained in the same
schools. They often share similar problems in terms of doctrine, equipment, and
leadership.� This shows the usefulness of both military defense cooperation and
of the different exercises that we can share with armies from countries in
fractured regions.</p>
<p style='text-indent:.25in'>This is all the more so that in
certain parts of the world, the army remains an institution which is among the
most solid and open to the outside world ones.� It is a privileged tool of
positive influence that can consolidate the democratic state and highlight the
necessary role of regional cooperation.� This is the whole idea behind the
RECAMP initiative in Africa whose goal is to allow Africans to be the actors of
their own security through the installation of an African Force on standby.�
The European Union has agreed to be in charge of RECAMP.</p>
<p style='text-indent:.25in'>Those are some of the comments I
wanted to share with you. I believe that the military institutions from our
various nations and the multinational organizations we belong to constitute
first-order instruments at the disposal of our political authorities.� They are
the product of a constant investment by our fellow citizens and of the
determination of men and women who, before us, served their countries in these
institutions. They deserve that we reflect on their future and on the way they
must be used because an organization that cannot adapt and is centered on
itself is condemned to disappear. They also deserve it on account of the
consequences of the actions they have been asked to carry out, which sometimes
require the use of force.� It is to the credit of this conference that it
permits all of us to reflect on this together.</p>
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