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<title>Center for Strategic Decision Research, Peter Struck, Michele Alliot-Marie, General George Joulwan, SACEUR, General James L. Jones, SHAPE, NATO, EU, BDLI, ILA, EADS, Northrop Grumman, Under Secretary Michael Wynne, Assistant Secretary Linton Wells, Ambassador William Burns, NATO Military Committee Chairman General Harald Kujat, General Dynamics, Boeing, Global Security Terrorism, Iraq, Afghanistan, Rainer Hertrich, David Stafford</title>
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  <h1 align="center" id="siteName"><strong>Center for Strategic Decision Research</strong></h1> 
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        <td width="66" height="68"><p><img src="../2004book/logo-kevin-web.jpg" width="60" height="66"></p>        </td>
        <td width="538"><div align="center"><span class="style5">22nd International Workshop on Global Security<br>
<em>Chantilly/Paris, 10-12 June 2005 </em><br>
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      <p align="center" class="style17"><strong>Table of Contents</strong></p>
      <p align="left" class="style17"><span class="style18"><span class="style219"> </span><span class="style219"><a href="preface.htm">Preface</a></span></span></p>
      <p align="center" class="style17">Part 1 </p>
      <p align="left" class="style17"><a href="alliotmarie.htm">French Defense Minister Michele Alliot-Marie (English version) </a><span class="style217"><strong></strong></span><span class="style217"><strong><a href="alliotmarie-french.htm">French Defense Minister Michele Alliot-Marie (French version) </a><a href="reid.htm">UK Defense Minister John Reid</a></strong></span><span class="style217"><strong><a href="graham.htm">Canadian Defense Minister Bill Graham </a></strong></span><span class="style219"><a href="weissingerbaylon.htm">Workshop Chairman Dr. Roger Weissinger-Baylon </a></span><span class="style219"> </span><span class="style219"><a href="liska.htm">Slovak Defense Minister Juraj Liska </a></span><span class="style219"><a href="erjavec.htm">Slovenian Defense Minister Karl Erjavec </a></span><span class="style219"> </span><span class="style219"><a href="svinarov.htm">Bulgarian Defense Minister Nikolay Svinarov </a></span><span class="style219"><a href="kujat.htm">NATO Military Committee Chair Gen Harald Kujat </a></span><span class="style219"> </span><span class="style219"><a href="koenig.htm">Acting US Ambassador to NATO John Koenig </a></span><span class="style219"><a href="schuwirth.htm">SHAPE Chief of Staff Gen Rainer Schuwirth </a></span><span class="style219"> </span><span class="style219"><a href="back.htm">Allied Joint Force Command Brunssum Cmdr Gen Gerhard Back </a></span></p>
      <p align="center" class="style17">Part 2 </p>
      <p align="left" class="style17"><span class="style219"><a href="perrindebrichambaut.htm">French MOD Dir for Strat Affairs Amb Marc Perrin de Brichambaut </a></span><span class="style219"> </span><span class="style219"><a href="dipaola.htm">Italian Chief of Defense Adm Giampaolo Di Paola </a></span><span class="style219"><a href="naumann.htm">fmr German Chief of Defense Gen  Klaus Naumann </a></span><span class="style219"> </span><span class="style219"><a href="perruche.htm">EU Military Staff Director Gen Jean-Paul Perruche </a></span><span class="style219"><a href="klein.htm">US Assist to Secretary of Defense Dale Klein </a></span><span class="style219"> </span><span class="style219"><a href="gergorin.htm">EADS Exec Vice President Jean-Louis Gergorin </a></span><span class="style219"><a href="george.htm">UK Parliament Member Bruce George </a></span><span class="style219"> </span><span class="style219"><a href="ranque.htm">Thales Chairman &amp; CEO Denis Ranque</a></span><span class="style219"><a href="tarasyuk.htm">Ukranian Foreign Minister Borys Tarasyuk </a></span><span class="style219"> </span><span class="style219"><a href="fasslabend.htm">Austrian Natl Assembly Member Minister Werner Fasslabend</a></span><span class="style219"><a href="pickering.htm">Boeing Sr Vice President Amb Thomas Pickering</a></span><a href="rooseveltinstitution.htm">Roosevelt Institution </a></p>
      <p align="center" class="style17">Part 3 </p>
      <p align="left" class="style17"><span class="style219"> </span><span class="style219"><a href="auroy.htm">French MOD DGA Force Systems &amp; Cooperation Director Patrick Auroy </a></span><span class="style219"><a href="lind.htm">Swedish Natl Armaments Director Jan-Olof Lind </a></span><span class="style219"> </span><span class="style219"><a href="weise.htm">German Armaments Dir Hans-Heinrich Weise </a></span><span class="style219"><a href="volkman.htm">US Under Secretary of Defense Office Intl Coop Director Alfred Volkman </a></span><span class="style219"> </span><span class="style219"><a href="stanhope.htm">Dep Supreme Allied Cmdr Transformation Admiral Sir Mark Stanhope </a></span><span class="style219"><a href="lahoud.htm">MBDA President &amp; CEO Marwan Lahoud </a></span><span class="style219"> </span><span class="style219"><a href="courtot.htm">SAFRAN Sr Vice President Francois Courtot </a></span><span class="style219"><a href="bertolone.htm">Alenia Aeronautica CEO Giovanni Bertolone </a></span><span class="style219"> </span><span class="style219"><a href="harris.htm">Lockheed Martin President Scott Harris </a></span><span class="style219"><a href="schneider.htm">Northrop Grumman President Kent Schneider </a></span><span class="style219"> </span><span class="style219"><a href="wells.htm">US Assist Secretary of Defense Linton Wells </a></span><span class="style219"><a href="vice.htm">Northrop Grumman Vice President Thomas Vice</a></span></p>
      <p align="center" class="style17">Part 4 </p>
      <p align="left" class="style17"><span class="style219"> </span><span class="style219"><a href="novotny.htm">Czech Ambassador to India Jaromir Novotny </a></span><span class="style219"><a href="rinkevics.htm">Latvian MOD State Secretary Edgars Rinkevics</a></span><span class="style219"><a href="plangu.htm">Romanian MOD State Secretary for Policy Ion Mircea Plangu </a></span><span class="style219"> </span><span class="style219"><a href="kouts.htm">Estonian Defense Forces Cmdr Adm Tarmo Kouts </a></span><br>
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        <h1 align="center" class="style42">A Company Perspective on Transatlantic  Industrial Cooperation<br>
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              <td width="78"> <img width="75" height="89" src="harris_clip_image002.jpg"> </td>
              <td width="6">&nbsp;</td>
              <td width="241"><div align="center"><span class="style44">Dr. Scott Harris<br>
  President, Continental Europe, <br>
  Lockheed Martin</span></div></td>
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        <p align="left" class="style21">Let me address the issues of  cooperation and where I think it is going from the standpoint of a company that  is very much engaged in and committed to transatlantic industrial cooperation.  I am pleased to be sharing this panel with several of my company&rsquo;s leading  partners who are also deeply invested and involved in this process.&nbsp; </p>
        <p align="left" class="style21">I am starting with the  premise that to achieve the transformational goals we are all talking about,  transatlantic industrial cooperation is going to be essential. In other words,  NATO transformation will depend on transatlantic industrial transformation and  cooperation. And like so many defense issues today, this really has to start  with a discussion about budget.&nbsp; </p>
        <p align="center" class="style45">BUDGET ISSUES</p>
        <p align="left" class="style21">Though we have mentioned it  many times already, let me say again that the procurement gap&mdash;the fact that the  U.S. spends twice as much as Europe&mdash;and the research and development gap&mdash;the  U.S. spends close to six times what is spent in Europe on defense R&amp;D&mdash;is a  fundamental reality of our business environment. These gaps are going to affect  the ability of militaries to have the capabilities they need and the ability of  industries to do what they need to do. It is also going to drive industries to  do certain things that make sense industrially, which, if you are a European  company, means cooperating with American companies that have access to  investments in R&amp;D technology on the other side of the Atlantic.&nbsp; </p>
        <p align="left" class="style21">All of this is significant  because we have heard a few times at this workshop that there is no technology  gap, that there is only a resource gap; but that cannot be true over time if  the spending ratios are six to one year after year after year. To give you  another way of thinking about it, my company, with the exception of three or  four countries in Europe, does more defense R&amp;D than any country in Europe&mdash;which means that there is a gap between us and  everybody else. So there is a great urgency to cooperate now.&nbsp; </p>
        <p align="center" class="style45">INDUSTRIAL COALITIONS</p>
        <p align="left" class="style21">Currently NATO forces, as  well as allied forces and European forces, are focused outside of Europe; therefore, they have to be deployable, they have  to be sustainable, and they have to be expeditionary. That is why we have a new  emphasis on mobility, lift, communications, networks, supportability, and  logistics; and industry must have these same capabilities as well. For example,  in places like Afghanistan  and Iraq,  you need to have deployed industrial forces to sustain and support the deployed  troops and products. So that must be our future. And if it is our future, we  must be able to support allied or coalition forces through industrial  partnerships and coalitions. That is the business vision of my company.&nbsp; </p>
        <p align="center" class="style45">MARKET AND TECHNOLOGY ACCESS</p>
        <p align="left" class="style21">One other element to add to  this discussion: You cannot talk about transatlantic industrial cooperation  without talking about the ability of industry on the European side of the  Atlantic to have access to the market and the technology on the other side of  the Atlantic. In 2005, the team led by  Lockheed Martin using the Agusta Westland helicopter platform was selected to  be the presidential helicopter fleet for the U.S. president. We had the best  product, but the competition was difficult politically. We were committed,  however, and we prevailed and we are now committed to making the program a very  powerful example of transatlantic cooperation. We believe that the best  product, the best technology, and the best team should be able to pursue  opportunities, and if the opportunity is transatlantic, then we will put  together the best that we can.&nbsp; </p>
        <p align="left" class="style21">A second example of  successful transatlantic cooperation is MEADS. We have signed a development  contract and are moving forward on it. Our partner is LFK, which will soon be  part of MBDA. But the program is more than an example of significant  cooperation; it is also important because it is doing new things. We are  cooperating on technology development and testing for future command and  control architectures for ballistic missile defense. The program is going to  create a capability that is deployable for tactical missile defense and  transportable on a C130J or A400M&mdash;a transformational capability.&nbsp; </p>
        <p align="left" class="style21">The Joint Strike Fighter is  another premier transatlantic cooperation program. But it is not the  traditional model of a little bit of workshare here and there. This is a model  in which the partners are partners on the global program. If you are making a  landing gear or a wiring harness for one airplane, you are making it for the  whole fleet, including the U.S.  fleet.&nbsp; </p>
        <p align="center" class="style45">GUIDELINES FOR COOPERATION</p>
        <p align="left" class="style21">There are several principles  we think must guide the process of cooperation if it is going to work:&nbsp; </p>
        <ul type="disc" class="style21">
          <li>First, there must be reciprocal market access. We       recognize that we can&rsquo;t just export into the European market if the U.S.       market is closed, and vice versa. Protectionism simply adds to costs,       leads to unnecessary duplication, and provides less value to the customer       in an area in which we are already resource constrained.&nbsp; </li>
          <li>Second, we must have cooperative technology       development in which the partners are actually developing the technology       together: MEADS is a good example of such work as is JSF.&nbsp; </li>
          <li>Third, we must integrate the transatlantic       marketplace. Not very long from now there are going to be common       requirements across the Atlantic for procurement and products, whether for       networks, services, systems, weapons, or platforms, and therefore the       marketplace will need to be integrated. We must gather the necessary       political and economic forces that will enable this step. Industry will       integrate if the political environment is right.&nbsp;</li>
        </ul>
        <p align="center" class="style45">PROTECTIONISM, OFFSETS, AND THE CHINA  ISSUE</p>
        <p align="left" class="style21">I would like to end on an  optimistic note but there are three other issues I would like to mention. One  is protectionism, which I already mentioned, but I need to mention it again.  Protectionism takes many forms, but it is the subtle form of protectionism that  is the most insidious and potentially lethal to cooperation. It is not the &ldquo;Buy  American&rdquo; legislation, which is a blunt instrument that can be identified and  often opposed successfully; many people can see that it is not a useful way to  proceed. But the more subtle forms of protectionism are things like  preferences: The calls from governments to other governments to be good  Europeans, to buy this product. It may not be the best product, it may not be  the cheapest product, it may not even be the right product but it is the <em>European </em>product. That is the same kind of protectionism that &ldquo;Buy American&rdquo; is and  it will undermine our ability to cooperate industrially and to use limited  resources efficiently. &nbsp; </p>
        <p align="left" class="style21">The second is offsets.  Offsets are a market factor&mdash;they add cost but generally do not add benefit that  is worth the cost. In most cases they make little sense; they certainly make  very little sense in advanced industrial economies. &nbsp; </p>
        <p align="left" class="style21">Third and last is the China issue. It  is going to cause more trouble than it should because it is the perfect  instrument for the U.S. Congress to become exercised. I worked on the Hill for  nine years and I think I understand a bit of the mentality. The China issue is  a dream issue: You get to stand up for American workers, bash the Europeans,  and bash the Chinese, and nobody that has an interest will counter you. So it  is a free shot for American politicians, at least that is what they think,  which makes it difficult for Europeans to figure out what to do about China, because it is very possible that the United States  will over-react. This issue needs to be addressed at the highest levels in a  cooperative way. It is a government issue, not an industry issue, but if the  governments do not succeed it will become a very significant industry  issue.&nbsp; </p>
        <p align="center" class="style45">CONCLUDING REMARKS</p>
        <p align="left" class="style21">These are the obstacles  that I see need addressing. But despite them the goal of transatlantic  cooperation is worth it. The objectives of transformation&mdash;providing and  maintaining cost-effective Alliance  capabilities&mdash;are best served through a cooperative approach. We are committed  to sticking with this work even though on some days it is not the easiest way  to go.&nbsp; </p>
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