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<title>Center for Strategic Decision Research, Peter Struck, Michele Alliot-Marie, General George Joulwan, SACEUR, General James L. Jones, SHAPE, NATO, EU, BDLI, ILA, EADS, Northrop Grumman, Under Secretary Michael Wynne, Assistant Secretary Linton Wells, Ambassador William Burns, NATO Military Committee Chairman General Harald Kujat, General Dynamics, Boeing, Global Security Terrorism, Iraq, Afghanistan, Rainer Hertrich, David Stafford</title>
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<td width="66" height="68"><p><img src="logo-kevin-web.jpg" width="60" height="66"></p> </td>
<td><div align="center"><span class="style5">21st International Workshop on Global Security - Berlin, 7-10 May 2004<br>
"Global Security: A Broader Concept for the 21st Century"</span></div></td>
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<p align="center" class="style17"><strong>Table of Contents</strong></p>
<p class="style18"><a href="/2004book/PeterStruckKeynote.htm">German Defense Minister Peter Struck</a><span class="style217"><strong><a href="/2004book/Hertrich_Rainer.htm">EADS Co-CEO Rainer Hertrich</a></strong></span><span class="style217"><strong><a href="/2004book/Joulwan_George.htm">Fmr SACEUR Gen George Joulwan</a></strong></span><span class="style217"><strong><a href="/2004book/Overview of 21st Berlin Workshop.htm">Workshop Chairman Roger Weissinger-Baylon</a></strong></span><span class="style217"><strong><a href="/2004book/Gante.htm">BDLI President Hans-Joachim Gante</a></strong></span></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Global Security: Political-Military Perspectives</strong></p>
<p align="left" class="style18"><span class="style217"><strong><a href="/2004book/Gen_Kujat.htm">NATO Mil Comm Chair Gen Harald Kujat</a></strong></span><span class="style217"><a href="/2004book/Gen_Jones.htm">SACEUR Gen James Jones</a><a href="/2004book/Amb_Burns.htm">US Ambassador to NATO Nicholas Burns</a><a href="/2004book/Linkevicius.htm">Lithuanian Defense Min Linas Linkevicius</a><a href="/2004book/Di_Paola.htm">Italian Chief of Defense Adm Giampaolo Di Paola</a><a href="/2004book/Kouts.htm">Estonian Chief of Defense Adm Tarmo Kouts</a><a href="/2004book/Back.htm">CINC AFNORTH Gen Gerhard Back</a><a href="/2004book/LtGen_R_Wolsztynski.htm">French Air Force Chief of Staff Gen Richard Wolsztynski</a><a href="/2004book/perruche.htm">EU Mil Staff Director Gen Jean-Paul Perruche</a></span></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Defense Cooperation & Alliance Transformation</strong></p>
<p align="left" class="style18"><span class="style217"><a href="/2004book/Wynne.htm">US Under Secretary of Defense Michael Wynne</a><a href="/2004book/Klein.htm">US Assist Secretary of Defense Dale Klein</a><a href="/2004book/wells.htm">US Assist Secretary of Defense Linton Wells</a><span class="style222"><a href="/2004book/Lentz.htm">US Assist Sec of Defense Office Director of Info Assurance Robert Lentz</a><a href="/2004book/Quilty.htm">MITRE Vice President John Quilty</a> <a href="/2004book/Van_Dam.htm">Netherlands Air Force Assist Chief of Staff Gen Ruud van Dam</a> <a href="/2004book/Kihl.htm">Swedish Armed Forces Chief of Staff Gen Johan Kihl</a></span></span><span class="style219"><a href="/2004book/volkman.htm">US Under Secretary of Defense Office Director for Intl Coop Alfred Volkman</a><a href="/2004book/stafford.htm">Northrop Grumman Vice President David Stafford</a><a href="/2004book/Weise.htm">German Dep Armaments Director Hans-Heinrich Weise</a><a href="/2004book/Cunningham.htm">Boeing General Manager Eugene Cunningham</a><a href="/2004book/Zappa.htm">Alenia CEO Georgio Zappa</a><a href="/2004book/ranquet.htm">French Defense Ministry Dep Director Stat Affairs Gen Robert Ranquet</a></span></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Black Sea Region,<br>
Ukraine, & Russia </strong></p>
<p class="style18"><span class="style219"><a href="/2004book/Pascu.htm">Romanian Defense Minister Ioan Pascu</a> <a href="/2004book/gonul.htm">Turkish Defense Minister Vecdi Gonul</a> <a href="/2004book/svinarov.htm">Bulgarian Defense Minister Nikolai Svinarov</a></span><span class="style209"><span class="style197"><a href="/2004book/bezhuashvili.htm">Georgian Defense Minister Gela Bezhuashvili</a></span><span #invalid_attr_id="10px 0px 0px 10px"><span class="style197"><a href="/2004book/Khandogiy.htm">Ukrainian Ambasador to NATO Volodymyr Khandogiy</a></span></span></span><span class="style219"><a href="/2004book/Skvorzov.htm">Russian Armed Forces Dep Chief of Defense Gen Alexander Skvorzov</a><a href="/2004book/Cede.htm">Austrian Ambassador to NATO Franz Cede</a><a href="/2004book/Meckel.htm">German Bundestag Member Marcus Meckel</a><a href="/2004book/Piontkovskiy.htm">Strategic Studies Ctr Director Andrei Piontkovskiy </a></span></p>
<p align="center" class="style18"><strong>Security for 21st Century</strong></p>
<p class="style18"><span class="style219"><a href="/2004book/Habibie.htm">Former Indonesian President B.J. Habibie</a></span><span class="style217"><a href="/2004book/Sedivy.htm">Fmr Czech Armed Forces Chief of Gen Staff Gen Jiri Sedivy </a><a href="/2004book/chandra.htm"> Indian Dep Natl Security Adv Satish Chandra</a><a href="/2004book/mehta.htm">Indian Armed Forces Gen Ashok Mehta</a><a href="/2004book/deruyt.htm">Belgian Ambassador to UN Jean de Ruyt </a><a href="/2004book/perrin.htm"> French Defense Ministry Strat Affairs Dir Marc Perrin de Brichambaut</a><a href="/2004book/gergorin.htm"> EADS Exec Vice President Jean-Louis Gergorin</a></span><span class="style217"><a href="/2004book/Maulny.htm">IRIS Dep Director Jean-Pierre Maulny</a></span><span class="style217"><a href="/2004book/fasslabend.htm">Fmr Austrian Defense Min Werner Fasslabend</a></span><span class="style217"><a href="/2004book/Novotny.htm">Czech Ambassador to India Jaromir Novotny </a><a href="/2004book/naumann.htm">Fmr NATO Mil Comm Chair Gen Klaus Naumann </a><a href="/2004book/George.htm">UK Parliament Member Bruce George</a></span><br>
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<h1 ALIGN="center" class="style22" >Russia and the New Security Landscape</h1>
<p ALIGN="center" class="style23" >Ambassador Dr. Franz Cede<br>
Austrian Ambassador to NATO</p>
<P ALIGN="left" class="style24" >Since we met in Berlin, ten countries have joined the EU. Earlier in 2004, NATO admitted seven Central and Eastern European nations as new member-states of the Atlantic Alliance. The political, economic, and strategic significance of these developments can hardly be overestimated. They conclude a process that was triggered by the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact and the end of the Soviet Union, and confirm the Western reorientation of these countries that for more than 50 years were the satellite states of the Soviet Union or, as in the case of the Baltic States, were treated as an integral part of the Soviet Union. The integration of these countries into European and transatlantic security structures is a sea change of the greatest order. </P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style24" > Under the leadership of President Putin, Russia has adjusted to the new realities in Europe with remarkable professionalism and a keen sense of pragmatism, given the fact that the Eastern European countries’ membership in the EU and NATO meant in substance that Moscow had to say goodbye forever to the idea of forging a special relationship with its “near abroad” in Central and Eastern Europe. Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova and most of the former Warsaw Pact and COMECON countries are now integrated into Western institutions on the basis of binding norms of international law. </P>
<P ALIGN="center" class="style23 style25" ><B>PAST BARRIERS TO ACCEPTING THE NEW SECURITY LANDSCAPE</B></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style24" > Why was it so difficult for Russia to accept the new security landscape in Europe? I should like to identify three main reasons: the psychological factor, the loss of superpower status, and the vested interests of the military-industrial complex. </P>
<P ALIGN="center" class="style23 style25" ><B>The Psychological Factor</B></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style24" >For the political and military establishment, which is still dominated by those who spent most of their professional lives in the former Soviet Union, NATO is still mainly seen as a military bloc led by the U.S. and directed against the security interests of Russia. The paradigm change in international relations has not yet sunk into the minds of these people, and NATO’s military operation against the Milosevic regime has done a lot to confirm their negative attitude. </P>
<P ALIGN="center" class="style23 style25" ><B >“Lost Empire” Status</B></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style24" > Another reason behind the dissatisfaction of Russia’s ruling class toward NATO’s eastward expansion can be found in the fact that, unlike the former Soviet Union, today’s Russia can no longer shape the destiny of those countries that belonged for more than two generations to its sphere of influence in Europe. This realization, that the political order that was established in the wake of World War II is definitely gone, has not been easy for the Russian leadership to digest. The dissolution of the Soviet Union meant the end of world-power status for Moscow. Although the permanent seat in the Security Council and the maintenance of a nuclear arsenal continue to ensure Russia’s status as a great power, Russia had to accept that she could no longer play in the same league as the U.S., which remains the only global superpower. </P>
<P ALIGN="center" class="style23 style25" ><B>The Vested Interests of the Military-Industrial Complex</B></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style24" > The oversized Russian armed forces and their contingent armament sector are faced with an identity crisis. The changes in the international security landscape that resulted from the political transformations in Europe have not yet led to a fundamental reform of the Russian military. The strategic concept of the Russian Federation in fact still applies to a war in which the deployment of huge armies and massive military hardware would be needed. For those holding positions of power in the Russian armed forces, it goes without saying that a reform of the army in response to the new challenges would diminish their influence and perhaps even lead to the loss of their jobs. No wonder they are having a hard time acknowledging the new security threats and NATO’s rapid adjustments to them. </P>
<P ALIGN="center" class="style23 style25" ><B>STRENGTHENING RUSSIA-NATO TIES</B></P>
<p class="style24" >Against this background it seems that President Putin’s policy regarding the eastward enlargement of NATO and the EU is a wise one. As he overcame difficulties at home and found viable solutions to the problems that resulted from the enlargement process, he was still able to safeguard, against all odds a cooperative relationship both with the U.S. and Europe. Despite the divisive Iraq conflict and the negative fallout from Allied Force, the NATO-led operation against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999, we continue to see the restoration of normal and businesslike relations between Russia and its Euro-Atlantic partners. President Putin has not made NATO’s extension to the east a bone of contention, and has accepted the recent EU enlargement in a way that takes into account Russia’s interest in maintaining healthy relations with the U.S. and its European partners. The strengthening of the Russia-NATO framework as well as the way in which Russia-EU relations are being conducted give further evidence of the importance both sides attach to mutual cooperation. </p>
<p align="center" class="style23 style25" ><B>CONCLUDING REMARKS</B></p>
<P ALIGN="LEFT" class="style24" > In the book “NATO-Russia, Between Cooperation and Confrontation,” an Austrian analyst described the delicate development of the NATO-EU relationship. It is my assessment that we are going in the direction of cooperation. This was illustrated to me when President Putin sent his new foreign minister, Sergei Lavrov, to participate in businesslike and constructive talks at NATO on April 2, 2004—the very day when an emotional flag-raising ceremony took place at NATO headquarters to salute the seven new Eastern European member-states. This augurs well for the future. </P>
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