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<TITLE>2001Book - Final</TITLE>
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<HR SIZE="2"><P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="7" FACE="Palatino">
Chapter 6
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="5" FACE="Palatino">
Military Dimension of ESDP
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
Lieutenant General Rainer Schuwirth<BR>
Director General, EU Military Staff
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<BR>
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
<B>OPENING REMARKS</B>
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
<FONT COLOR="#000000" FACE="Palatino" SIZE="7">I</FONT> am very grateful to have the opportunity to briefly explain where we
 stand with the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP), particularly
 its military dimensions in the European Union. Many political decision
 making steps have led in just two short years to the inclusion of ESDP
 within the EU&#146;s overall instruments and efforts. The development of the
 European Security and Defense Identity (ESDI) in NATO and the development
 of the European unification process have made it logical to move the European
 security and defense dimension from WEU to EU, to reduce the multinational
 actors from three to two, and to start developing European autonomous crisis-management
 capabilities, including a military element for use in situations in which
 NATO will not be engaged.
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There is a principle of complementarity, not competition, and a spirit
 of transparency and cooperation between the EU and NATO, but one that certainly
 needs further institutionalized development in several areas.
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<B>THE CURRENT STATUS OF THE EU</B>
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
First of all, within the EU, the new structures of the Political and Security
 Committee (PSC), the Policy Unit (PU), the EU Military Committee (MC),
 and the EU Military Staff (EUMS), have taken up their work; the EUMS still
 has interim status but is expected to be declared permanent at the beginning
 of June 2001. At this point we are halfway to our Full Staff Capability
 strength of 135.
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Having an EUMS as well as an EUMC is not a duplicate effort, but a logical
 consequence of incorporating the security and defense dimension into the
 European Union. Who else should give military advice to the political decision
 makers?
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Secondly, the EU is refraining from establishing a permanent command structure,
 and instead will draw on existing headquarters, either those of member-states,
 multinational headquarters, or NATO headquarters, depending on the situation.
 However, the EUMS will not command an operation or develop operational
 concepts or plans. Our mission will be to develop military strategic options
 as a basis for MC&#146;s advice to the PSC and the Council.
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
Work has progressed on the development of Crisis Management Procedures
 (CMPs), including the involvement of the commission as well as civilian
 capabilities such as the police. These Crisis Management Procedures will
 be evaluated and tested in two Crisis Management Workshops in 2001 and
 employed for the first time in 2002. Subsequent years should see an EU-NATO
 or EU-CME. Field exercises are not yet foreseen.
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
On the military side, work has started to complement the CMPs with concepts
 such as command and control and military strategic planning, with more
 to follow in other functional areas. Because of the need for interoperability
 and complementarity, the development of those concepts draws heavily on
 NATO or, where applicable, WEU terminology.
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
Contacts and cooperation between NATO and the 6 and 15 European non-EU
 Member-States have started on the North Atlantic Council/Political and
 Security Committee (NAC-PSC) level and will soon be extended to the level
 of Military Committees and staffs.
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To have decision-making structures and procedures is one thing; to have
 the appropriate set of efficient military forces is another one. But the
 objective is clear: crisis operations in the Petersberg spectrum of humanitarian
 assistance, evacuation, peace monitoring, and peace implementation with
 a force of up to Corps size plus air and naval elements for a duration
 of at least one year that is deployable within 60 days.
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Initial force requirements for those operations have already been developed.
 Member-States, plus non-EU NATO members and countries that are candidates
 for accession to the EU, have determined their voluntary contributions.
 In broad terms there is enough quantity, but there are shortfalls in quality.

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Some might be complemented by NATO assets and capabilities if such decisions
 were made, but others might not. It is not astonishing that quality shortfalls
 lie more or less in the same areas as those within the NATO framework,
 since Member-States are drawing from the same set of forces. Thus, the
 real challenge is to overcome those shortfalls. That would&#151;if successful&#151;be
 to the benefit of both organizations, whether in NATO through the Defense
 Capabilities Initiative (DCI) or in the EU through Headline Goal efforts.

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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
Work has started in the EU to develop a review mechanism and, for the next
 Commitment Conference, in November 2001, to think about how to prioritize
 resolving shortfalls. It remains to be seen how this work will unfold,
 including the necessary cooperation with NATO.
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
<B>CONCLUDING REMARKS</B>
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
ESDP has gained momentum. Structures and a principal set of procedures
 are available, and will be further developed toward the end of 2001. CME
 will start in 2002. Together with the forces offered, there will be a principal
 capability to run certain crisis-management operations. However, deciding
 whether or not it is advisable to employ a military force with any prospect
 of success can only be determined by the particular scenario, including
 all elements for political decision making. Member-States and Partners
 have offered sufficient forces for the HLG in quantitative terms. However,
 there are shortfalls that can be overcome only by the common and individual
 will of the Member-States and their resources.
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