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<TITLE>2001Book - Final</TITLE>
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<HR SIZE="2"><P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="7" FACE="Palatino">
Chapter 19
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="5" FACE="Palatino">
The Security of Iceland
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
Minister of Education, Science, and Culture of Iceland Bj&#246;rn Bjarnason
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<BR>
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino"> <B>ICELAND AND 
  THE BALTIC STATES</B><A HREF="_FN_0.htm"><B></b><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" FACE="Palatino" SIZE="2"><SUP></SUP></FONT></A></FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
<FONT COLOR="#000000" FACE="Palatino" SIZE="7">I</FONT>t is a pleasure to have the opportunity to talk about the security of
 Iceland in conjunction with the Defense Ministers of Estonia and Lithuania
 discussing the security of their countries. There are many similarities
 among our countries&#146; 20<FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" FACE="Palatino" SIZE="2"></FONT><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" FACE="Palatino" SIZE="1"><SUP>th</SUP></FONT><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" FACE="Palatino" SIZE="2">-century histories. All three of our countries
 fought for their independence. Iceland had the good fortune to be geographically
 close to friendly powers who recognized its independence and assisted the
 country in safeguarding its security, instead of disregarding its sovereignty
 and doing their utmost to uproot its culture and history. Iceland confirmed
 its profound understanding of the Baltic nations&#146; desire for independence
 by becoming the first country to recognize their sovereignty when the Soviet
 Union fell apart.</FONT>
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
Iceland is one of five Nordic countries that, together with Greenland,
 the Faroe Islands, and &#196;land, make up the Nordic Council, a vigorous regional
 forum that lately has taken particular measures to strengthen cooperation
 with the three Baltic States. During the Cold War, foreign affairs and
 security issues were not on the Nordic Council&#146;s agenda, since three of
 the constituent countries (Denmark, Iceland, and Norway) were members of
 NATO but the other two (Finland and Sweden) were neutral. In recent years,
 however, Council meetings have been taken up with these issues just as
 much as with others. Iceland, for its part, has declared its support of
 the Baltic States&#146; membership in NATO.
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
<B>ICELAND&#146;S DEFENSE ASSOCIATION WITH THE UNITED STATES</B>
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In May 1940, after Germany occupied both Denmark and Norway, Iceland was
 occupied by British forces to prevent Germany from reaching Iceland and
 thus gaining a key position in the North Atlantic. In July 1941, a trilateral
 agreement was concluded among the United States, Britain, and Iceland that
 enabled an American force to guard Iceland&#146;s security and relieve the British,
 who were fully engaged with difficult military tasks elsewhere. The United
 States thus took an active part in the battle for the North Atlantic via
 Iceland almost half a year before the attack on Pearl Harbor. An important
 deciding factor in Iceland&#146;s gaining its independence from Denmark in 1944
 was the United States government&#146;s readiness to recognize Iceland&#146;s independence.

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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
This story is in marked contrast with the Baltic States&#146; experience and
 relations with their neighbor, the Soviet Union, during and following the
 Second World War. While Iceland was taking its first steps toward independence,
 the Soviet Union was tightening its grip on the Baltic States and ruthlessly
 crushing their leaders&#146; efforts to speak out, as well as attacking the
 history and culture of their people.
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
Iceland became a founding member of NATO in 1949, and in 1951 concluded
 a bilateral defense agreement with the United States. A celebration marking
 that treaty&#146;s 50-year anniversary was held on May 5, 2001. Iceland&#146;s continuing
 defense association with the United States has been excellent, although
 it has often been the subject of heated political dispute and debate, up
 to the time the Cold War ended.
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
&nbsp;Because of new technology and Soviet military expansion, both by sea and
 air, from its bases on the Kola peninsula, security developments in the
 North Atlantic gradually increased Iceland&#146;s strategic importance. The
 United States carried out anti-submarine surveillance as well as air surveillance
 of Soviet planes from its base in Keflav&#237;k, Iceland, using state-of-the-art
 equipment and two AWACS planes. In the eighties, construction of four radar
 stations with state-of-the-art equipment strengthened Iceland&#146;s air defense.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
<B>ICELAND&#146;S CHANGING SECURITY POLICY</B>
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
Iceland has never maintained its own military forces and indeed, up to
 the Second World War, relied on other countries recognizing its neutrality.
 Iceland believed that its distance from the European and North American
 mainlands would guarantee its independence. However, World War II and the
 Cold War brought home the fact that we could no longer rely on our country&#146;s
 remoteness to ensure protection, and, since the end of the Cold War, our
 government policy has been to maintain strong defense cooperation with
 the United States.
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
Early in the nineties, on behalf of the Icelandic government, I took part
 in talks with our allies in Europe and the United States, as well as with
 NATO leadership, concerning a possible change in Iceland&#146;s security policy
 and our defense relationship with the United States. The outcome was a
 unanimous decision that the defense agreement between Iceland and the United
 States should not be tampered with, but that Iceland would have to adapt
 to changes within NATO, including considering taking part in NATO peacekeeping
 missions.
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
These changes have now come to pass. There are currently 2,000 American
 troops based in Keflav&#237;k, down from about 5,000 in the 1950s. The implementation
 of the defense agreement has also changed; there is now less need for interceptors
 to be based in Keflav&#237;k. In fact, there has been only one incident of fighter
 jets intercepting a Russian plane near Iceland since the Soviet Union ceased
 to exist. That incident occurred in 1999, when two Russian aircraft, based
 on the Kola peninsula, practiced a missile attack over the North Atlantic.

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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
In talks with Iceland, the United States has also expressed an interest
 in reducing the number of F-15 fighter jets based in Keflav&#237;k, and even
 in removing them all to bases in the United States. The Icelandic government
 has opposed these ideas, considering it important for fighter jets to be
 based in Keflav&#237;k to demonstrate the U.S. defense commitment to Iceland
 in no uncertain terms. In 1994, the two sides agreed to retain at least
 four fighters in Keflav&#237;k.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
It has been argued that it would be generally unwise, in both political
 and strategic terms, to have no fighter planes stationed in Iceland. The
 reasoning is that, if fighter jets are needed in Iceland because of a crisis
 situation, sending them to Keflav&#237;k might escalate tensions and increase
 the risk of conflict. Making a political decision to send planes to a place
 where none were based before would also be more difficult than increasing
 the number of planes already in place. Although we hope that the risk of
 tension and conflict in the North Atlantic has evaporated, it is probably
 just as na&#239;ve to rely on this being the case as it was to believe that
 our country&#146;s remoteness would guarantee its eternal neutrality.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
Iceland&#146;s defense agreement with the United States is in effect until terminated
 by either government. Neither party is interested in such termination,
 since the agreement enhances the security interests of both countries.

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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
I also believe that the defense agreement, and the close and friendly relations
 it fosters between Iceland and the United States, have played a large part
 in the fact that Iceland has never applied for membership in the European
 Union. The fall of the Soviet Union created a unique opportunity for Europe&#146;s
 neutral countries (Austria, Finland, and Sweden) to link up with a larger
 European political entity by joining the European Union and thus abandoning
 their neutrality.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
As long as its security is guaranteed by the United States, however, Iceland
 does not need to establish a close political or security relationship with
 another powerful partner in order to make clear its place in the world.
 It should also be noted that Iceland, along with Norway and Liechtenstein,
 has negotiated a free trade agreement with the EU; is party to EU programs
 on education, science, and culture; and signed the Schengen agreement on
 open borders for travelers within Europe. But application for EU membership
 is not on Iceland&#146;s agenda, and no Icelandic political party has EU membership
 in its manifesto. The membership issue is of course discussed politically,
 but there are no special interests encouraging Icelandic membership in
 the EU.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
<B>CONCLUDING REMARKS</B>
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
There are two issues that the Icelandic government would like to emphasize
 in the present debate on security: first, Iceland does not wish to become
 isolated when ESDP is implemented. Our security interests involve first
 and foremost the maintenance of the transatlantic link. The worst possible
 scenario for Iceland would be a split on security and defense issues between
 the United States and the EU, but this could also mean that the bilateral
 defense agreement with the United States would become more important to
 both parties. <FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" FACE="Times New Roman" SIZE="2"></FONT>
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
Second, the Icelandic government is working to increase its share in the
 NATO peacekeeping mission in the Balkans. Although Iceland&#146;s share is small
 compared to that of other countries, it is considerable in Icelandic terms.
 Our goal is to establish a 100-man Crisis Response Unit under the Icelandic
 Ministry for Foreign Affairs.
</FONT></P>
<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
It is my personal opinion that Iceland must decide whether or not to shoulder
 greater responsibility for its own defense and security. The dangers we
 face are constantly changing and we cannot expect the United States to
 always be prepared to assume all responsibility for confronting them for
 us. I therefore believe that Iceland should consider strengthening its
 security by increasing its own capabilities. Iceland&#146;s contribution to
 NATO was very important during the Cold War, though it did not include
 military forces, but ensuring its position as a good member of NATO and
 as a U.S. ally was not accomplished without internal conflict. Success
 was achieved, however, and Iceland must also succeed in safeguarding its
 security with its own means, now and in the future. The challenge lies
 in continuing to make the right decisions, in accordance with the particular
 demands and time.
</FONT></P>
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