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<HR SIZE="2"><P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="7" FACE="Palatino">
Chapter 27
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="5" FACE="Palatino">
Transatlantic Cooperation: An American<BR>
 Industrial View
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
Dr. Robert Trice<BR>
Lockheed Martin Corporation
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<BR>
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
<FONT COLOR="#000000" FACE="Palatino" SIZE="7">L</FONT>et me begin, on behalf of American industry, by thanking Secretary de
 Leon, Secretary Gansler, and Secretary Oliver for the leadership they have
 shown in trying to clean up a major impedi- ment to transatlantic cooperation
 by <FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" FACE="Palatino" SIZE="2">proposing a very clear, mutually understood, and accepted set of export
 controls and a technology transfer regime. We have a long way to go, but
 we have certainly made good progress.</FONT>
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
<B>THE RESULTS OF TRANSATLANTIC COOPERATION</B>
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
My view is that transatlantic cooperation has been and will continue to
 be a major focus of all the companies represented here. It is simply too
 late to create a Fortress Europe or a Fortress America, even if we wanted
 to. Certainly in the case of Lockheed Martin, our heritage companies understood
 more than 25 years ago that trying to sell off-the-shelf material from
 the United States to any market, particularly this one, was a non-starter.
 The result, of course, is that we have had many partnerships with European
 companies. Forty percent of every F-16 is now European made. Today, our
 friends from BAe find themselves on both Boeing and Lockheed Martin teams
 for the Joint Strike Fighter. We have major relations on the guided MLRS
 with Diehl and with over 60 U.K. companies on the C130J<B>;</B> a relationship
 on the C-27J with our friends from Finmeccanica; a very important relationship
 with the Italians and the Germans on the MEADS;<B> </B>with Bazan on<B> </B>Spanish and
 Norwegian frigates; and so on. We even have relationships with our Russian
 friends: In late May we successfully launched an Atlas 3A vehicle whose
 RD-180 engine was from Russia, a major sign, we think, of the kind of cooperation
 that can occur under the auspices of efficiently administered regulatory
 regimes.
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<B>MANAGING SOLUTION CHOICES</B>
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
I do believe it is important to distinguish cooperation between suppliers
 and so-called national champions. We need to understand that there will
 still be areas in which we cannot buck the traditional tendency for nations
 to feel the need to protect key elements of their defense-industrial base.
 I ask you: Can anyone think of an instance in which a major weapon system
 offered by a foreign government was selected over an indigenously developed
 one? I certainly cannot. Even when a local solution is not readily available,
 when a national champion (a prime contractor) decides to fight procurement
 of a foreign system, I would still bet on the home team. Remember back
 when McDonnell Douglas was proposing an F-18 for the French navy, and Dassault
 countered it would produce a navalized Rafale? Twelve years later it is
 still not deployed.
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
But a major question remains: Will the NATO /EU countries feel compelled
 to choose between U.S. and European defense solutions at the major system
 level for predominantly political and macro-economic reasons, rather than
 for military and cost-effectiveness reasons and for their interoperability
 with U.S. forces? Despite the elegant discussion we have heard here, I
 believe there is at least the potential for conflict between NATO&#146;s Defense
 Capabilities Initiative and the European Security andDefense Policy. Shortcomings
 have been noted coming out of Kosovo, from IFF to airlift to precision-guided
 munitions to C4I SR. However, recent decisions from the parochial industrial
 perspective make it appear that some European governments are quite prepared
 to spend billions and six to ten years of time to develop and procure systems
 that are (or may be) similar in capability with new or already existing
 U.S. systems. At the end of the day, our governments must sort out the
 central issue of how best to manage and distribute insufficient R&amp;D and
 procurement resources within NATO to achieve the objectives that have been
 outlined.
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
While the debate continues about transatlantic mergers, the fact is that
 Europeans have been gaining market share in the U.S. the old-fashioned
 way: by buying it. Smiths, GKN, BAE Systems (which got a great deal on
 our Control Systems, I might add) and Thomson CSF, all have a major presence
 in the United States today. Sitting right on this podium are representatives
 of the sixth largest defense company in the United States of America, BAE
 Systems.
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
But why are Europeans going to the United States? The answer is very simple,
 and there is consensus among the industrialists on it. First, despite all
 the whining that Secretary de Leon and Secretary Oliver hear from us in
 American industry, the fact is that the United States defense market <I>is</I>
 the largest and most stable market in the world, and will continue to be
 so. And it is an addressable market today of about $120 billion when you
 include the operations and maintenance. It is also a fact that American
 taxpayers are spending twice as much as their NATO compatriots on procurement,
 and three times as much on R&amp;D. So it is obvious to us why our friends
 from Europe want to come to our market. The second irrefutable fact is
 that European companies cannot rely on their traditional markets or their
 home markets for growth; those companies have nowhere to go.
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
The question for the United States is, what is attractive about the European
 market? Are there, in fact, opportunities? My friend, Gordon England, just
 tried to buy the Santa Barbara tank plant in Spain and<B> </B>Raytheon has also
 made some initial forays into the market, but we have to decide what a
 capitalist-industrialist in the United States would find attractive about
 the European landscape.
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<P ALIGN="CENTER"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="3" FACE="Palatino">
<B>CONCLUDING REMARKS</B>
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
It is my strongly held view that there are three keys to promoting successful
 transatlantic cooperation at the prime-contractor level. The first and
 most important one, and one in which NATO must play a very active role,
 is harmonizing the military requirements. If we can harmonize military
 requirements and turn them over to the industrialists, we will have instant
 transatlantic teams. Second, we need clear, consistent and mutually understandable
 and accepted guidelines for defense exports and for technology transfer
 on both sides of the Atlantic. And third, we must have sufficient resources
 reflecting continued NATO support for priority programs, DCI, and interoperability.
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<P ALIGN="LEFT"><FONT COLOR="#1f1a17" SIZE="2" FACE="Palatino">
One final point: If we are all going to be global equals and have access
 to each other&#146;s markets over the long haul, it is past time for our European
 friends to look at the whole issue of offsets. These are trade distorting.
 We do it in order to be competitive, but if, in fact, we are going to have
 mutual access to each other&#146;s markets, we ought to re-examine the idea
 of requiring and giving offsets.
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